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While many of the issues raised in this book are
worthy of an objective investigation and
evaluation, the work is hardly objective and, while
it may present itself as a scholarly treatise
(there are hundreds of endnotes and citations), it
rapidly deteriorates into nothing more than a
propaganda screed for a narrow, one-sided, and
simplistic point of view. Furthermore, Chomsky
seems to lack any sense of historical perspective,
fails to articulate any coherent political
framework, and does not seem to understand the
nuances of modern geopolitics.
What seems to be the main idea of the book? In
brief, Chomsky apparently thinks that the United
States is the most reprehensible of all the major
powers in the world and its foreign policy is
absolutely pernicious. It has become the most
belligerent power in the world. It is the greatest
menace to the national self-determination of other
countries. It is the greatest threat to world peace
and international cooperation. And, finally, the
United States is a supporter of and a perpetrator
of terrorism on a grand scale against those it
perceives as its enemies.
Chomsky claims to base these assertions on
"facts." But facts, as any historian or social
scientist knows, must be interpreted and placed in
a context. It is easy to twist facts, ignore
incongruous facts, distort a context, or disregard
a context. In the case that Chomsky is trying to
make here, it appears that his choices regarding
evidence and his analysis of that evidence is
dominated by his overwhelming desire to put the
worst possible interpretation on the "motives" of
America in regard to its participation in world
affairs. Political philosopher Hannah Arendt
suggested that the great achievement of the
20th-century totalitarians was to turn questions of
fact into questions of motive. Then you don't have
to answer facts with facts; all you need to do is
impugn the motives of the target you have selected
for castigation and hurl the most damaging epithets
at it. In short, the old pastime of name-calling
or, for the more philosophically inclined, the ad
hominem argument. One might suggest that it is
precisely what the author of this book is
doing.
Chomsky's response to the September 11th attack
on the World Trade Center is illustrative. He
claims that no matter how appalling the terrorists'
actions were, the United States had done worse and
he attempts to support this judgment with arguments
and evidence. But his evidence is highly selective
and his arguments suspect. In attempting to justify
the attack, he refers, for instance, to the
incident in Sudan where a pharmaceutical factory
was assaulted by an American missile because the
CIA suspected that Iraqi scientists were involved
in making chemical or biological weapons. Chomsky
fails, however, to note that the missile was fired
at night so no workers would be present and that
the factory was not located in or near a
residential area; innocent lives would not be
directly threatened. Whether one agrees or not with
then-President Clinton's decision to order the
assault, it hardly rises to the level, either in
intent or actuality, to the terrorist attack on the
World Trade Center and the Pentagon.
Moreover, Chomsky apparently judges the morality
of actions executed by the United States using a
rather direct and simple formula: If an action is
right for us, it is right for others; and if it is
wrong for others, it is wrong for us. This might be
a nice moral principle in the abstract, but it can
be dreadfully deceiving when attempting to apply it
to the complex world of international politics.
Furthermore, Chomsky gives the impression that he
wants to apply this moral principle primarily to
the actions of the Western liberal democracies, not
to others, including the acts committed by the
terrorists in September 2001.
Much of the contempt that Chomsky feels is
directed toward Israel, a small country that has to
constantly fight for its very existence. He refers,
for instance, to the prime minister as the
"archterrorist" Sharon, but he does not use that
epithet when he mentions Arafat, the current
Palestinian leader who has a long history of
terrorism against innocent women and children. The
U.S. and Israel are allegedly guilty of "war
crimes," but other totalitarian regimes,
particularly of the communist or socialist variety,
are not. I submit this hardly reflects an objective
and balanced evaluation of contemporary
international realities.
Is America really an evil empire, as Chomsky
apparently thinks? I think an objective look at the
historical record will provide the evidence that
America has done more good for more people than any
country in the history of the world. The United
States rebuilt Europe twice in the 20th century
after two world wars. Europe was liberated from the
Nazi menace primarily through the intervention of
the United States. Eastern Europe was liberated
from the tyranny of communism primarily because the
United States was willing to take the leadership
role in destroying it.
Now, if the United States is and has been such a
terrible nation, responsible for the horrible
repression that Chomsky alleges, then why, one must
ask, is this country the first choice of refugees
looking for a new home? Why do most people choose
to flee to the United States, rather than from it?
Why have so many other nations, many of them
apparently admired by Chomsky, been forced to build
walls and fences to keep their population captive?
Why is Cuba under the Castro government a better
place to live or, for that matter, Cambodia under
Pol Pot or Vietnam under the current totalitarian
regime? And lastly, why do so many other nations
look to the United States for help when they need
it?
This is not to say that the United States is
perfect. It is not. There are many incidents which
have occurred in our history about which we should
be ashamed (our treatment of Native Americans, for
example). Any student of American history knows
that there were defects, for instance, in the
original Constitution (particularly regarding the
issue of slavery and the status of blacks), but one
must also accept that many of these defects were
corrected through a war between the states and a
civil rights movement in the 1960s; furthermore,
corrections continue to this day through ongoing
Supreme Court decisions and acts of Congress.
In summary, I suspect that Chomsky's latest
diatribe will have great appeal to his devoted
followers. Those who dismiss his interpretations
and analyses will simply say it is a repeat of his
usual rantings against the United States.
Nevertheless, I recommend this book to all readers;
it is a good exemplar of pure political propaganda
disguised as a serious work. In a different time
and place, it would have made Dr. Joseph Goebbels
proud. The New York Times apparently thinks,
in its words, that "Noam Chomsky is arguably the
most important intellectual alive." If this is
really true, God help us all.
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Hegemony
or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance,
by Noam Chomsky
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