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BOOK
REVIEW
Our Posthuman Future:
Consequences of the Biotechnology
Revolution,
by Francis
Fukuyama
Farrar, Straus and Giroux - April 2002
Order
From Amazon
Reviewed by Dr. Jonathan Dolhenty
The biotechnology revolution is upon us, says
Francis Fukuyama in his new book Our Posthuman
Future, and we had better begin to deal with
the challenging social, political, and economic
issues which will be raised by the changes to
come.
Fukuyama points out that we are already a
society that is widely using and abusing drugs like
Prozac and Ritalin to modify behavior and
psychological states and we now seem to be all too
eager to employ our expanding knowledge of human
genetics to influence everything from increasing
intelligence to prolonging life. But these may be
the least of the problems we face in the future.
The author also discusses such controversial issues
as eugenics, the prospects for germline
enhancement, embryonic stem-cell research, human
cloning, and "designer babies."
According to Fukuyama, "the most significant
threat posed by contemporary biotechnology is the
possibility that it will alter human nature and
thereby move us into a 'posthuman' stage of
history." The importance of this, he argues, is
"because human nature exists, is a meaningful
concept, and has provided a stable continuity to
our experience as a species." Furthermore, our
human nature is "what defines our most basic
values" and "shapes and constrains the possible
kinds of political regimes, so a technology
powerful enough to reshape what we are will have
possibly malign consequences for liberal democracy
and the nature of politics itself."
So the question is raised: "What should we do in
response to biotechnology that in the future will
mix great potential benefits with threats that are
either physical and overt or spiritual and subtle?"
The answer, according to Fukuyama is, "We need to
start thinking concretely now about how to build
institutions that can discriminate between good and
bad uses of biotechnology, and effectively enforce
these rules both nationally and
internationally."
The concerns raised by Fukuyama are legitimate
and timely. His arguments regarding the potential
damage of some aspects of biotechnology are
compelling. The reasons he gives for his concerns
should be familiar to all of us who are within the
tradition of classical philosophical realism.
Indeed, at the outset, Fukuyama tells us that "The
case that I will lay out here might be called
Aristotelian, not because I am appealing to
Aristotle's authority as a philosopher, but because
I take his mode of rational philosophical argument
about politics and nature as a model for what I
hope to accomplish."
And what is it that Fukuyama wants to
accomplish? It seems to me that he wants to provide
a rational foundation for suggesting that any type
of biotechnology needs to be regulated which may
affect human beings in their most essential
characteristics, that is, those universal features
which mark a human being as a human being and not
some other being. In other words, any scientific
procedure which may adversely alter human nature
ought to be subject to control and supervision. A
valid concept of human nature, including our
subsequent understanding of human rights and human
dignity based on this concept, is the justification
that supports society's intervention into any
proposed procedure of biotechnology. Fukuyama
rightly notes:
- Aristotle argued, in effect, that human
notions of right and wrong -- what we today call
human rights -- were ultimately based on human
nature. That is, without understanding how
natural desires, purposes, traits, and behaviors
fit together into a human whole, we cannot
understand human ends or make judgments about
right and wrong, good and bad, just and unjust.
Like many more recent utilitarian philosophers,
Aristotle believed that the good was defined by
what people desired, but while utilitarians seek
to reduce human ends to a simple common
denominator like the relief of suffering or the
maximization of pleasure, Aristotle retained a
complex and nuanced view of the diversity and
greatness of natural human ends. The purpose of
his philosophy was to try to differentiate the
natural from the conventional and to rationally
order human goods.
It is unfortunate that most modern social
philosophers have either ignored or dismissed this
important Aristotelian formulation. For where else
are we to appeal as grounds for human rights and
human dignity but to human nature itself? The only
alternative I see is to the political community
and, if that be so, then human rights and human
dignity are at the mercy of whatever arbitrary
whims society or government holds at any moment. It
would be difficult, then, on philosophical grounds,
to argue against any type of human experimentation
as long as it had the alleged approval of society.
Witness what happened in Nazi Germany in the 1930s;
I don't think any reasonable person buys into that
form of "scientific" experimentation. In other
words, there are limits to what can be permitted,
even in the name of "scientific progress."
Summing it up, Fukuyama argues the need to
restore notions of human rights, human nature, and
human dignity. He draws on Aristotle and the
concept of "natural right" to argue against the
unchecked development of biotechnology. His claim
is that a substantive human nature exists, that
basic ethical principles and political rights such
as equality are based on judgments about that
nature, and therefore that human dignity itself
could be lost if human nature is
altered. His final
leap to human dignity, the notion that all humanity
exists on a higher moral plane than the rest of the
natural world, is perfectly in accord with the
classical realistic tradition. It follows, then,
that acts that deny human dignity, such as
reproductive cloning, should be prohibited
outright. And in this he is absolutely correct.
How to do it? Fukuyama argues that state power,
possibly in the form of new regulatory
institutions, should be used to regulate
biotechnology. And he points out that pessimism
about the ability of the global community to do
this is unwarranted. There are other areas of
technology, he notes, which the world community
regulates, such as nuclear technology, biological
and chemical warfare, and so forth. "We do not," he
maintains, "have to regard ourselves as slaves to
inevitable technological progress when that
progress does not serve human ends." Furthermore,
he continues, "True freedom means the freedom of
political communities to protect the values they
hold most dear, and it is that freedom that we need
to exercise with regard to the biotechnology
revolution today."
Fukuyama's arguments are familiar terrain for
those of us in the tradition of classical
philosophical realism. He has correctly set the
foundation for his argument and rationally
presented his case. We understand what he is saying
and agree that, regarding this particular
technology, regulation is necessary for what we
interpret as the "common good" of humankind.
Political libertarians and classical liberals,
however, may bristle at the word "regulation." Most
of us who claim to fall into one of those two camps
tend to look on regulation with a distrusting eye.
So I will say a few words to my fellow libertarians
and classical liberals about Fukuyama's call for
regulation.
The world is a dangerous place and this was
brought home to Americans as never before on
September 11th, 2001. There are people who do not
accept the intrinsic value of human life and do not
accept our understanding of human nature, natural
rights, and human dignity. While human freedom and
liberty is essential to our lives as human beings,
it is not unlimited. The concept of "laissez-faire"
never meant that human beings could do whatever
they wanted to do in any and all circumstances. As
Aristotle correctly pointed out, we are social and
political animals. We are meant to live in a
community with other human beings. This is the
environment in which we are to achieve our rational
end as human beings. This being so, governments are
instituted among us to regulate certain behaviors
which may be inimical to the individual members of
the community or to the community as a whole.
Fukuyama is cognizant of the fact that
"Excessive regulation in the past has led many to
become instinctively hostile to state intervention
in any form, and it is this knee-jerk aversion to
regulation that will be one of the chief obstacles
to getting human biotechnology under political
control." But, he points out,
- ...it is important to discriminate: what
works for one sector of the economy will not
work for another. Information technology, for
example, produces many social benefits and
relatively few harms and therefore has
appropriately gotten by with a fairly minimal
degree of government regulation. Nuclear
materials and toxic waste, on the other hand,
are subject to strict national and international
controls because unregulated trade in them would
clearly be dangerous.
I, for one, do not want my next-door neighbor
building a nuclear weapon in his basement. Nor do I
want toxic waste dumped into the vacant lot next to
my house, even if it is someone else's private
property. And so it is with certain aspects of the
biotechnology revolution. There are sound reasons
to put limits on biotechnology and these limits can
be and need to be enforced. This is, in my opinion,
Fukuyama's main thesis in his book, and with this I
wholeheartedly agree.
Our Posthuman Future deserves to be read
by all those who are concerned about the direction
in which biotechnology is going. No, let me go
further. This book needs to be read by all thinking
human beings. The reason is simple: human beings,
or human nature as we have understood it up to now,
may be at stake. Fukuyama is no Luddite, neither am
I. But the simple fact is this: just because
something in science or technology "can" be done,
does not mean it "should" be done. When we learn
that lesson, maybe the world will be a better
place.
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