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Islam Longs for Its Lost Empire

by George Irbe

 

Introduction 

It is high time that the ordinary people of the Western democracies understood what is really eating at Islam, what is generating the Muslim discontent and their intense hostility towards the West. It is high time that the elected leaders of the democracies, who order the men and women of their armed forces into harm's way in what can be reasonably characterized as the seething cauldron of the Muslim world, acknowledge what the fight is about and against whom the fight is being waged.

Since the attack on 11 September, 2001, only a few scholars and journalists have identified Islam itself as our enemy. Our political leaders and statesmen have not dared to inform citizens publicly of that fact. They stubbornly maintain that the West is fighting only against terrorists, allowing only that there might be liaison and occasional co-operation between various terrorist groups, and that some of the terrorist groups are motivated by antiquated Islamic fundamentalism. 

So long as the official government message to the average citizen continues to misidentify the enemy as being merely amorphous "terrorism," the citizenry cannot be fully united and mobilized to fight the actual enemy. 

It is difficult to persuade the citizens of democracies that any war is worth the sacrifice: In a democracy there are always legitimate arguments against war and for negotiated resolution of conflicts. It is even more difficult to persuade them to fight a war on ideological grounds, such as was the case with the wars fought during most of the 20th century, because in a democracy there will always be many people who either do not see the aggressive ideology as threatening their own democracy, or they themselves believe in the rightness of that ideology and would actually prefer to have it supplant the system they are living under at present. Considering, then, that it is very difficult to mobilize a democracy to fight against an ideology, perhaps the leaders of liberal Western democracies are fearful that their citizens would be even more unwilling, and very likely outraged, if they were asked to go to war against a religion, because freedom of religion is, next to freedom of speech, a sacrosanct article of every charter of human rights and of every constitution in the West. The citizens could scarcely countenance the thought of engaging in a religious war in this the 21st century, and therefore their leaders avoid using the term "religious war" like the plague, although they know full well in their heart of hearts that that is indeed the kind of conflict they are engaged in at present. 

In the Western democracies, religion -- any religion -- is to be respected and not to be spoken ill of. That is why there are not supposed to be any religious wars; the most that can be admitted to is "sectarian violence," which occurs between adherents of the same religion with differing opinions about dogma. The facile (and false) explanation usually offered for wars between adherents of different religions is that the wars are never over religion as such; we are told that the reasons for these conflicts are mostly socio-economic. Thus we continue to tiptoe around the rosebush of political correctness. As Robert Spencer puts it: 

In Western Europe and North America, the fact that Islam at its core contains elements that are not peaceful or benign has become the truth that dares not speak its name. Instead, the news media indulges in puerile and outrageously inaccurate comparisons [of Islam and Christianity]. . . . Such statements and intentions betray an appalling ignorance both of Islam and of our own culture and heritage. [7] p. 174.
 
These days it's considered bad taste to point out that the Qur'an and the Bible do not teach identical moral precepts, or that the Muhammad of Islam and the Jesus of Christianity are not interchangeable. [7] p. 175. 

In this essay I intend to break both taboos. I will discuss the rather brutal characteristics of the religion of Islam and the blunt historical truth that the Muslims have waged a religious war against the rest of the world since the days of Muhammad. That war has at times intensified and at times abated during the course of its 1300-year duration; its character has varied from battles between large massed armies to ignominious acts of blatant piracy and brigandage; its latest current manifestation is as global terrorism.

 

The Nature of Islam

1. Islam is a fusion of religion and ideology

Quite a few scholars and historians who have studied Islam at depth have concluded that it is not just a religion in the conventional sense of the word. Islam appears to be a mix of a very stringent religious dogma and an aggressive political ideology. The goal of Islam's founder, Muhammad, was primarily geo-political. What makes Muhammad exceptional among the founders of religions is that he conceived of the truly brilliant (and practical) idea to interweave into one bundle of beliefs religious tenets (mostly rehashed Judeo-Christian ones) with the politics of brute conquest. 

As Paul Fregosi describes Muhammad,

He was a man of his times, with its faults and qualities. He was a brave warrior but also a devoted husband (to his eleven wives), a loving father, and a charismatic political leader of the Arab people. Muhammad was a great Arab patriot, highly intelligent, undoubtedly cruel and brutal, too. In our day and age, like other great men whatever their religion or nationality, he might have been regarded as a criminal, perhaps a war criminal or a mass murderer. . . He is also an ideological leader, a conqueror, and the founder of one of the world's great accredited religions. It makes any objective examination of the person a difficult task . . . [8] p. 26. 

Significantly, Maxime Rodinson, includes the term "totalitarian" in his characterization of Muhammad and his new religion: 

In Medina the Prophet had found himself in a position which enabled -- indeed even compelled -- him to play a part in the struggle for power within the oasis. He found himself the leader of a party. Little by little this party, partly religious and partly political, had grown. By nature and by origin, it was bound to become a totalitarian party. It had acquired an independent army and its own treasury while at the same time eliminating those elements it was unable to assimilate and silencing opposition within the fold. [4] p. 215.
 
Sometimes the ideologist or the religious leader has had to run in harness with a man of action familiar with the difficult art of manipulating people and making things happen. But Muhammad found within himself all the resources necessary to fulfillment of this dual role. [4] p. 216.
 
In Medina . . . What was needed above all was to mobilize men's energies for immediate action, to denounce the enemy, reassure the armies of the faithful, justify the decisions taken, brand traitors and irresolute people for what the were, and give the community of the Faithful some rules by which to live. . . . the Koran became a kind of newspaper, publishing the orders of the day to the troops, passing judgments on domestic affairs and explaining the ups and downs of the conflict. [4] p. 217. 

. . . and Fregosi notes throughout Jihad the religious and ideological mix that is Islam; for example, 

. . . one cannot stress enough the importance of the ideological side of Islam, with which this religion is permeated as is none of the other great religions. It infiltrates, and even sometimes governs, often down to the tiniest detail of everyday life, the way of life of its millions of adherents in the world of today. [8] p. 27.
 
The teachings of the Prophet have spread far beyond the worship of Allah to Muhammad's own political and imperial vision which has been given, in the Koran, the divine imprimatur. Islam was already more than a religion. It was already an international political force, as it still is today . . . [8] p. 91.
 
It is not possible to dissociate the Jihad from its political environment, for politics and religion form one in Islamic life. [8] p. 123.
 
Let us never forget the ideological dimension of Islam. [8] p. 411. 

2. Islam is a totalitarian system

Since the dawn of mankind, all religions have maintained an elite priestly class who control and administer the religion's dogma and often manipulate it for their own material gain and perhaps that of their secular rulers. The mass of the gullible subject people receive continuous mental conditioning by the priestly elite to ensure that they live by, and carry out, the dictates of the dogma. In most societies, however, the domains of the priestly class and of the secular ruling class have usually been kept separate, at least in the appearance. In Western societies, separation of church and state has been one of the dictums of democracy for a long time. 

Muhammad's innovative concept of fusing the religious and secular powers into an indivisible whole and placing it in the hands of a single authority proved to be a spectacularly successful recipe for the exercise of power and for conquest. It is also this fusion of religion and will to power that makes Islam a totalitarian political ideology. In Arabic, "Islam" means "submission". The name is very appropriate, because a totalitarian ideology demands complete submission and compliance from its followers. Faithful obedience to orders and unquestioning loyalty to the supreme commander (the caliph) in attaining his political goals was precisely what Muhammad demanded from his followers. In Muhammad's totalitarian system there are only two classes of people. There are the rulers, who exercise their own free will and discretion to interpret Islam's religious dogma and to order their subjects into war against other people and states. The rest of the Muslim population belong in the lower class, subservient to the rulers. 

Of necessity, totalitarian rule requires thorough indoctrination of the masses. The individual must be relieved of the need to make decisions and choices of his or her own free will as much as possible, down to even the smallest details of everyday existence. Muhammad's system more than fits the pattern. Whether by conscious design or not, already in the early days of Islam, the Prophet and his newly-formed ruling elite, the "Companions of the Prophet," started to compile what eventually grew into a large body of "Islamic sacred law." It has been translated from the Arabic into English; the title of it is Reliance of the Traveller [sic]: A Classic Manual of Islamic Sacred Law [9]. It literally dictates the daily life of a Muslim down to the most ridiculous (to an un-believer) details. While the Sacred Law covers the traditional (secular) areas of law as we understand it, it also deals in great detail with things like, for instance, the correct procedures to be used by men and women when defecating and urinating. ([9] Section e9.0). 

Sections of the Reliance of the Traveller read like a manual of conduct for a military organization, and that is precisely one of its uses: to indoctrinate, discipline and condition the mass of Muslims in order to make them into soldiers for Jihad in the service of Allah. 

This is what Reliance has to say about Jihad in Book "O" - Justice: 

o9.0 Jihad
 
(O: Jihad means to war against non-Muslims, and is etymologically derived from the word mujahada, signifying warfare to establish the religion. And it is the lesser jihad. As for the greater jihad, it is spiritual warfare against the lower self (nafs), which is why the Prophet said as he was returning from jihad,
 
"We have returned from the lesser jihad to the greater jihad."
 
The scriptural basis for jihad, prior to scholarly consensus (def: b7) is such Koranic verses as:
 
"Fighting is prescribed for you" (Koran 2:216);
 
"Slay them wherever you find them" (Koran 4:89);
 
"Fight the idolators utterly" (Koran 9:36)
 
and such hadiths as the one related by Bukhari and Muslim that the Prophet said:
 
"I have been commanded to fight people until they testify that there is no god but Allah and that Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah, and perform the prayer, and pay zakat. If they say it, they have saved their blood and possessions from me, except for the rights of Islam over them. And their final reckoning is with Allah";
 
and the hadith reported by Muslim,
 
"To go forth in the morning or evening to fight in the path of Allah is better than the whole world and everything in it."
 
Details concerning jihad are found in the accounts of the military expeditions of the Prophet, including his own martial forays and those on which he dispatched others. The former consist of the ones he personally attended, some twenty-seven (others say twenty-nine) of them. He fought in eight of them, and killed only one person with his noble hand, Ubayy ibn Khalaf, at the battle of Uhud. On the latter expeditions he sent others to fight, himself remaining at Medina, and these were forty-seven in number.
 
 
The obligatory character of jihad
 
o9.1 Jihad is a communal obligation (def: c3.2). When enough people perform it to successfully accomplish it, it is no longer obligatory upon others (O: the evidence for which the Prophet's saying,
 
"He who provides the equipment for a soldier in jihad has himself performed jihad,"
 
and Allah Most High having said:
 
"Those of the believers who are unhurt but sit behind are not equal to those who fight in Allah's path with their property and lives. Allah has preferred those who fight with their property and lives a whole degree above those who sit behind. And to each, Allah has promised great good" (Koran 4:95).
 
If none of those concerned perform jihad, and it does not happen at all, then everyone who is aware that it is obligatory is guilty of sin, if there was a possibility of having performed it. In the time of the Prophet jihad was a communal obligation after his emigration (hijra) to Medina. As for subsequent times, there are two possible states in respect to non-Muslims.
 
The first is when they are in their own countries, in which case jihad (def: o9.8) is a communal obligation, and this is what our author is speaking off when he says, "Jihad is a communal obligation," meaning upon the Muslims each year.
 
The second state is when non-Muslims invade a Muslim country or near to one, in which case jihad is personally obligatory (def: c3.2) upon the inhabitants of that country, who must repel the non-Muslims with whatever they can).
 
o9.2 Jihad is personally obligatory upon all those present in the battle lines (A: and to flee is an enormity (dis: p11)) (O: provided one is able to fight. If unable, because of illness or the death of one's mount when not able to fight on foot, or because one no longer has a weapon, then one may leave. One may also leave if the opposing non-Muslim army is more than twice the size of the Muslim force).
 
o9.3 Jihad is also (O: personally) obligatory for everyone (O: able to perform it, male or females, old or young) when the enemy has surrounded the Muslims (O: on every side, having entered our territory, even if the land consists of ruins, wilderness, or mountains, for non-Muslim forces entering Muslim lands is a weighty matter that cannot be ignored, but must be met with effort and struggle to repel them by every possible means. All of which is if conditions permit gathering (A: the above-mentioned) people, provisioning them, and readying them for war. If conditions do not permit this, as when the enemy has overrun the Muslims such that they are unable to provision or prepare themselves for war, then whoever is found by a non-Muslim and knows he will be killed if captured is obliged to defend himself in whatever way possible. But if not certain that he will be killed, meaning that he might or might not be, as when he might merely be taken captive, and he knows that he will be killed if he does not surrender, then he may either surrender or fight. A woman too has a choice between fighting or surrendering if she is certain that she will not be subjected to an indecent act if captured. If uncertain that she will be safe from such an act, she is obliged to fight, and surrender is not permissible. 
 
Who is obliged to fight in jihad
 
o9.4 Those called upon (O: to perform jihad when it is a communal obligation) are every able-bodied man who has reached puberty and is sane.
 
o9.5 The following may not fight in jihad:
 
someone in debt, unless his creditor gives him leave;
 
or someone with at least one Muslim parent, until they give their permission;
 
unless the Muslims are surrounded by the enemy, in which case it is permissible for them to fight without permission.
 
o9.6 It is offensive to conduct a military expedition against hostile non-Muslims without the caliph's permission (A: though if there is no caliph (def: o25), no permission is required).
 
o9.7 Muslims may not seek help from non-Muslim allies unless the Muslims are considerably outnumbered and the allies are of goodwill towards the Muslims.
 
The objectives of jihad
 
o9.8 The caliph (o25) makes war upon Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians (N: provided he has first invited them to enter Islam in faith and practice, and if they will not, then invite them to enter the social order of Islam by paying the non-Muslim poll tax (jizya, def: o11.4) -- which is the significance of their paying it, not the money itself -- while remaining in their ancestral religions) (O: and the war continues) until they become Muslim or else pay the non-Muslim poll tax (O: in accordance with the word of Allah Most High,
 
"Fight those who do not believe in Allah and the Last Day and who forbid not what Allah and His messenger have forbidden -- who do not practice the religion of truth, being of those who have been given the Book -- until they pay the poll tax out of hand and are humbled" (Koran 9:29),
 
the time and place for which is before the final descent of Jesus. After his final coming, nothing but Islam will be accepted from them, for taking the poll tax is only effective until Jesus' descent, which is the divinely revealed law of Muhammad. The coming of Jesus does not entail a separate divinely revealed law, for he will rule by the law of Muhammad. As for the Prophet's saying,
 
"I am the last, there will be no prophet after me,"
 
this does not contradict the final coming of Jesus, since he will not rule according to the Evangel, but as a follower of our Prophet.
 
o9.9 The caliph fights all other peoples until they become Muslim (O: because they are not a people with a Book, nor honored as such, and are not permitted to settle with paying the poll tax (jizya)) (n: although according to the Hanafi school, peoples of all other religions, even idol worshippers, are permitted to live under the protection of the Islamic state if they either become Muslim or agree to pay the poll tax, the sole exceptions of which are apostates from Islam and idol worshipers who are Arabs, neither of whom has any choice but becoming Muslim (al-Hidaya sharh Bidaya al-mubtadi' (y21), 6.48-49)). 

The Muslim soldier is also indoctrinated into believing that if he dies in battle against the infidels he will immediately go to Muslim paradise. The Koran describes this paradise (most often called a "garden") in several Suras; here are examples from three of them: 

37:40-49
But the sincere (and devoted) servants of Allah, for them is a sustenance determined, fruits (delights); and they (shall enjoy) honor and dignity, in gardens of felicity, facing each other on thrones (of dignity); round will be passed to them a cup from a clear-flowing fountain, crystal-white, of a taste delicious to those who drink (thereof), free from headiness; nor will they suffer intoxication therefrom. And besides them will be chaste women, restraining their glances, with big eyes (of wonder and beauty), as if they were (delicate) eggs closely guarded.
 
55:51-58
Then which of the favors of your Lord will ye deny? In them will be fruits of every kind, two and two. Then which of the favors of your Lord will ye deny? They will recline on carpets, whose inner linings will be of rich brocade: the fruit of the gardens will be near (and easy of reach). Then which of the favors of your Lord will ye deny? In them will be (maidens), chaste, restraining their glances, whom no man or Jinn before them has touched; as though they were rubies and pearls.
 
56:07-40
And ye shall be sorted out into three classes. Then (there will be) the Companions of the Right Hand; what will be the Companions of the Right Hand? And the Companions of the Left Hand; what will be the Companions of the Left Hand? And those foremost (in faith) will be foremost (in the hereafter). These will be those nearest to Allah: in gardens of bliss; a number of people from those of old, and a few from those of later times. (They will be) on thrones encrusted (with gold and precious stones), reclining on them, facing each other. Round about them will (serve) youths of perpetual (freshness), with goblets, (shining) beakers, and cups (filled) out of clear-flowing fountains. No after-ache will they receive therefrom, nor will they suffer intoxication. And with fruits, any that they may select, and the flesh of fowls, any that they may desire. And (there will be) Companions with beautiful, big, and lustrous eyes, like unto pearls well-guarded, a reward for the deeds of their past (life). Not frivolity will they hear therein, nor any taint of ill, only the saying, "Peace! Peace". The Companions of the Right Hand, what will be the Companions of the Right Hand? (They will be) among Lote-trees without thorns, among Talh trees with flowers (or fruits) piled one above another, in shade long-extended, by water flowing constantly, and fruit in abundance, whose season is not limited, nor (supply) forbidden, and on thrones (of dignity), raised high. We have created (their Companions) of special creation and made them virgin - pure (and undefiled), beloved (by nature), equal in age, for the Companions of the Right Hand. A (goodly) number from those of old, and a (goodly) number from those of later times. 

As is evident in the Suras above, the Koran promises the fallen Muslim warrior all imaginable pleasures that he will enjoy in paradise, including perpetually virgin women companions. The Koran and the Islamic sacred laws thus ensure that every Muslim is totally devoted to the dictates of Islam through every hour of every day, and seeks death joyfully in battle against the infidels. 

It was explained above that the ruling class in the two-class Islamic system is not subject to any of the strictures imposed on the lower class by the Koran and Islamic sacred laws. The rulers can and always have acted amorally and pragmatically, solely in the interests of their self-preservation. They compete among themselves ruthlessly for power and leadership, just like the individuals who competed for the top position in totalitarian states in the 20th century. Muhammad himself was not at all squeamish about eliminating his opposition by less than honorable means: 

Muhammad desired to have his implacable Umayyad enemy Abu Sufyan assassinated. The task was assigned to a disciple, a semi-professional part-time executioner whom Muhammad sent to Mecca to carry out the killing. [8] p. 54.
 
[Muhammad's] enemies sometimes had their hands and feet cut off and their eyes gouged out. We read of torture and enemies impaled. . . He ordered political opponents, even young women who wrote mockingly about him, to be executed. [8] p. 57. 

The murderous struggle for power started immediately after Muhammad's death, and has continued in similar fashion to present times. The following are samples of the early, pre-Ottoman, struggles for the Caliphate: 

. . Muawiya is the man who deprived Muhammad's descendants of what they considered their hereditary right to the caliphate and passed it on instead to his own Umayyad dynasty that, in the early days of Islam, originally had been, through Abu Sufyan, the most bitter enemy of Muhammad and Islam. . . the clash between Ali, Muhammad's son-in-law, and Muawiya, Abu Sufyan's son . . . set the course Islam has followed ever since. . . Three of the first four caliphs were murdered. They all had been disciples and personal friends of Muhammad, and they are known in Muslim history as "the rightly guided." Their assassinations set a pattern that has never diverged and still continues today. [8] p. 77.
 
After the Prophet's death his ahl al-bayt and their supporters suffered oppression. Fatima was denied her right to inherit from the Prophet. 'Ali's right to the caliphate was denied until later. Hasan was poisoned. Husayn b. 'Ali, his family and companions, were killed at Karbala and the survivors of the tragedy were taken prisoner. Muslim b. 'Aqil and Hani b. 'Urwa were killed mercilessly after being granted amnesty. Abu Dharr Ghiffari was deported to Rabdha. Hujr b. 'Adi, 'Amr b. Humq, Maytham Tammar, Sa'id b. Jubayr, Kumal b. Ziyad, and hundreds of other supporters of the Prophet's family were executed. Under orders received from Yazid, the Ummayad, Madina was sacked and hundreds of its residents killed. [11] p. 50.
 
The Abbasids believed that as descendants of the Prophet's family, they had more right to the Muslim throne than the descendants of the Prophets long and stubborn enemy Abu Sufyan. At the same time they also disregarded whatever right the descendants of Muhammad's daughter Fatima and Muhammad's son-in-law Ali might have had. . . It is not possible to dissociate the Jihad from its political environment, for politics and religion form one in Islamic life. . . . the passing of the century-old Umayyad caliphate (651 -- 750) in Damascus to the Abbasids in Baghdad . . . was an operation that was carried out in a massive blood-bath by the first Abbasid ruler, Abu al-Abbas [descendant of Abbas, Muhammad's uncle] . . . [8] p. 123. 

During the Ottoman caliphate it became standard practice for the son who succeeded to the throne to have all his rival siblings and closest male relatives murdered as quickly as possible. Fregosi recounts one of the most horrid of these murders: 

The acme of atrocity was reached with Mahomet II who, when he became sultan in 1595, ordered his nineteen brothers to be immediately strangled; and three concubines, pregnant with his brothers' children, to be summarily decapitated and their bodies thrown into the Bosphorus. [8] p. 229.
 
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