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7. Islam's attraction to Nazism

Curiously enough, in the 19th century, long before the rise of Nazism, in Europe the attraction flowed the other way: many German and English intellectuals admired and romanticized Islam and the Arabs; they were known as "Arabists." Many of these Europeans also tended to favor fascistic or "Prussian" systems of government. Perhaps it was the theocratic absolutism of Islam that attracted them. 

The ideological magnet that seems to draw Muslims to a sympathetic view of Nazism has been quite evident in the 20th century. It is well known that during WW II the Allies could not count on the loyalty of any of the Muslims in the Near and Middle East. No doubt, during the Nazi period, it was the shared hatred of everything Jewish that made Nazism attractive for the Muslims and vice-versa. But even before Hitler's ascension to power, Muslim rulers, including Reza Shah Pahlevi, admired the authoritarian and disciplinarian characteristics of the Prussians. 

Amir Taheri reports that sympathies in the Muslim countries for the Nazis were strong already in the mid-1930s and continued during the war years: 

The second major political current with which Khomeini came into contact in Najaf was Nazism which, with its star rising in Europe, was proving very attractive to some sections of Muslim society in the Middle East. In Mesopotamia an anti-British movement led by Rashid Ali Guilani was openly pro-Nazi. In Egypt the movement called Young Egypt harbored similar sentiments. In Iran Reza Shah shared with many of the mullahs a deep admiration for Adolf Hitler. [6] p. 97.
 
[During WW II] on a number of visits to Tehran [Khomeini] made contact with Ayatollah Abol-Qassem Husseini Kashani, an openly political mullah who had been exiled by the British to Palestine in 1941 because of his pro-Nazi activities. Also in Tehran he deepened his relations with the Fedayeen of Islam's network of "holy killers." [6] p. 107. 

and Irshad Manji writes that, 

In 1943, Haj Amin [Mufti of Jerusalem] addressed imams in the Bosnian SS, assuring them that Islam and Nazism shared a commitment to social order, family structure, hard work, and a perpetual struggle -- especially against the Americans, the English, and the Jews. From the capital of the Reich, Haj Amin broadcast Nazi propaganda to the Arab world. "Kill the Jews wherever you find them," he hissed into a microphone at Radio Berlin on March 1, 1944. "This pleases God, history, and religion. This saves your honor. God is with you." [12] p. 112.
 

Islam's Attack Against the West

1. Islam's festering grievances

Now it is time to ask why Islam is so mad at the West today. The short answer is that Muslims hold the West responsible for destroying their empire, and they want it back. 

It is not uncommon for a people who at some time in history have possessed an empire and then lost it to express a nostalgic longing for its resurrection in all its past glory. Along with this nostalgia and a wish to turn back the clock many such people also harbor a deep resentment and even hatred for some external powers or foreign states whom they perceive as having been the agents responsible for their loss of empire. 

The French still consider the British ("perfidious Albion") to be largely responsible for the demise of the Napoleonic empire; quite a few Britons still rue the passing of their own empire, on which, once upon a time, "the sun never set." A few of them still remember with bitterness that the policies and actions of Presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt and Dwight D. Eisenhower hastened the dismantling of the British empire in the name of de-colonization. 

In Europe, the Germans have been the angriest about the loss of their empire and the most insistent on re-establishing it. They consider the Holy Roman Empire, which existed from about the year 900 to 1806, to be their First Reich; the Second Reich was proclaimed by Kaiser Wilhelm I in 1871 and lasted until Germany's defeat in 1918. The Third Reich was proclaimed by Adolf Hitler in 1933 and lasted until 1945 when Germany was once again defeated. 

The Muslim empire was once one of the largest in the world and it lasted from the 7th until the early 20th century. The ruler of the Islamic empire was the Caliph, who wielded absolute power comparable to the combined powers of both the Pope and Caesar of Christendom. Beginning with their conquest of Constantinople in 1453, the Muslim empire was ruled by the Ottoman sultans who also fulfilled the role of the caliph. 

The Ottoman empire went into a decline already in the 19th century. Then, in the first World War, the Ottoman sultan unfortunately chose to side with Germany and Austria. At the end of that war the Ottoman empire was dismembered by the victorious allies -- the United States, Britain, and France. In the remnant of the Ottoman empire -- Turkey, Kemal Attaturk seized power and abolished both the sultanate and the caliphate. 

There is a corollary to the Muslim belief that they are destined by Allah to eventually rule the whole world: if a territory has at some time come under Muslim rule they claim it as theirs forever after, even if they have been subsequently evicted from it. Osama Bin Laden and his Al Qaeda associates have declared that all territories which have been under Muslim rule at some time in the past are rightfully theirs today. In Europe that would include Spain, Greece, Bulgaria, and most of the Balkan region. 

The Muslim obsession to reclaim lost territories, i.e. to reconstitute the Islamic empire, may be even stronger than what inspired the German people to try to reconstitute the Reich. In light of their glorious past, the Muslims have found defeat particularly hard to accept, and their thirst for renewed triumph so much the stronger. Fregosi observes that, 

. . . for many of the faithful, whose history and lives had flourished in perpetual victories, the experience was an emotionally shattering one that many Muslim minds were not able to accept. Defeat and humiliation was not the stuff of which Islam was made. It had always triumphed in the past, and it awaited triumph in the future. Today, with de-colonization and with the backing of its immense oil riches, the hour of Islam has perhaps come around again. The Jihad, begun by Mohammed in the seventh century, is required to persist until the whole world belongs to Islam. [8] p. 379. 

Furthermore, the Islamic empire can only be an empire if ruled by a caliph. Therefore, the Muslims make the additional demand that the caliphate be restored. The Western public remains woefully ignorant of these Muslim demands. Paul Berman is one of very few in the West to understand what feeds the Muslims' anger and fury. He says: 

. . Al Qaeda [is] not a political movement in any conventional sense. It [is] a chiliastic movement, and its goal [is] the Caliphate or nothing. [2] p. 116. 

He caught the nuances in the following statement by Bin Laden: 

. . in that first video after 9/11 . . . Some of Bin Laden's comments were, to anyone without a background in Islamic thought, incomprehensible. Bin Laden said that America, as a result of the attacks, was "filled with horror," which was certainly true. But he added a puzzling remark. He said, "Our Islamic nation has been tasting the same for more than eighty years, of humiliation and disgrace, its sons killed and their blood spilled, its sanctities desecrated." But what was the terrible thing that had taken place more than eighty years before - the terrible thing that had continued ever since, humiliating and disgracing what he called "the Islamic nation"? An event from 1921 or before - what could that have been? I think that television viewers around the world, staring at CNN or even at Al Jazeera, wondered about that remark and silently surmised that bin Laden was raving incoherently. But the readers of Sayyid Qutb would have understood. Bin Laden was speaking about the crimes of Kemal Ataturk - the plunge into secular modernity that culminated in 1924 in the abolition of the Caliphate. Bin Laden was speaking about that initial, devastating attack on the Islamic nation - the attack that signaled the beginning of Islam's "extermination," in Qutb's fearful words. [2] p. 117. 

In the eyes of Muslims, and the Arabs in particular, the West inflicted a further humiliation on them when it dismembered the Ottoman lands of Middle and Near East in a quite arbitrary manner. Entirely new states were created and boundaries drawn without consulting the will of the inhabitants. Muslims consider these states to be illegitimate entities and their rulers apostates from Islam. Among the Muslims of the world the desire to eradicate these illegitimate regimes is as strong as the desire to restore the Islamic caliphate. 

2. Islam's resurgence

Organized Muslim underground resistance movements against the Western colonial powers began soon after the dismemberment of the Ottoman empire and abolition of the caliphate. There were also public protests in newspapers and street demonstrations against the Western powers in many Muslim countries. 

It is well documented by history, and already mentioned above, that Muslim hostility towards the Western powers festered in more or less muted fashion during the inter-war years and throughout the Second World War. Sometimes a short statement serves to make the point just as well as lengthy commentaries: 

[In the 1920s] . . an Egyptian founded the Muslim Brotherhood, the Al Qaeda of his generation. Rites of initiation into the brotherhood's terror cells featured two props ; the Koran and a revolver. [12] p. 74. 

As should have been foreseen (but was not), Islam's opportunity to reassert itself on the world's stage came in Iran -- a quasi-democratic ally of the West, but never a colonial servant of Western imperialism, during the then prevailing Cold War with the Soviet Union. In Iran there were just enough democratic freedoms, honored by Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlevi, to provide wiggle room for an Islamic insurrection to flourish. And Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who we have met before, took full advantage of this opportunity. He overthrew the shah in 1979 and established in Iran the first Islamic republic of modern times. From then on Islam has been on the offensive again. Some insightful observers have noted this fact; for example, 

Iran's Islamist revolutionaries spread their inspiration across wide regions of the Arab and Muslim world, even where the majority of people were Sunni and not Shiite. For the Iranian revolution was large and deep and inspiring, and, with the Iranian example in everyone's eyes, the Islamist movement became a greater phenomenon than ever before, and the newly mass movement began to achieve success across the wide arc from Afghanistan to Algeria, and beyond. [2] p. 110
 
The terrorist Jihad that exists today is a topical, political reality. The advent of the Ayatollah Khomeini on the international scene has strikingly heralded the return to the world of an aggressive Islam after more than a century of quiet: Western imperialism and colonial domination shackled Islam to the West for a century and stifled the Jihad until the mid-twentieth century. [8] p. 20.
 
. . . the Islamic Revolution was to end liberties taken with the divine law and to restore men to their bondage with Allah. The Islamic Revolution also rejected the notion that men of all creeds could be equals and brothers. Women can never be treated as equals under Islam and non-believers can never enjoy the same rights as believers. The very concept of human rights was "a Judeo-Christian invention" and inadmissible in Islam.[6] p. 20
 
The objective of the Imam [Khomeini], who considers all existing governments in Muslim countries to be illegitimate, is the creation of a single universal Islamic state which can emerge as a world power . . . [6] p.22 

Many of his supporters called for Khomeini to be elected Caliph soon after he came to power in Iran:

In August 1983 an international Islamic seminar financed by the Islamic Republic in London called on Muslims throughout the world to follow Khomeini as their sole leader, but stopped short of declaring him Caliph as some delegates had apparently demanded. [6] p. 283. 

Khomeini echoed the Prophet Muhammad in his inspirational sermons and messages. Robert Spencer gives an example of Khomeini's fiery language: 

Islam makes it incumbent on all adult males, provided they are not disabled or incapacitated, to prepare themselves for the conquest of [other] countries so that the writ of Islam is obeyed in every country in the world. . . . But those who study Islamic Holy War will understand why Islam wants to conquer the whole world. . . . Those who know nothing of Islam pretend that Islam counsels against war. Those [who say this] are witless. Islam says: Kill all the unbelievers just as they would kill you all! Does this mean that Muslims should sit back until they are devoured by [the unbelievers]? Islam says: Kill them [the non-Muslims], put them to the sword and scatter [their armies]. Does this mean sitting back until [non-Muslims] overcome us? Islam says: Kill in the service of Allah those who may want to kill you! Does this mean that we should surrender [to the enemy]? Islam says: Whatever good there is exists thanks to the sword and in the shadow of the sword! People cannot be made obedient except with the sword! The sword is the key to Paradise, which can be opened only for the Holy Warriors! There are hundreds of other [Qur'anic] psalms and Hadiths [sayings of the Prophet] urging Muslims to value war and to fight. Does all this mean that Islam is a religion that prevents men from waging war? I spit upon those foolish souls who make such a claim. [7] p. 35. 

Although the Islamic revolution in Iran was carried out by Shi'ite Muslims, their revolution inspired all Muslims everywhere to raise the flag of Jihad; Islam was on the march once again: 

Iran's Islamist revolutionaries spread their inspiration across wide regions of the Arab and Muslim world, even where the majority of people were Sunni and not Shiite. For the Iranian revolution was large and deep and inspiring, and, with the Iranian example in everyone's eyes, the Islamist movement became a greater phenomenon than ever before, and the newly mass movement began to achieve success across the wide arc from Afghanistan to Algeria, and beyond. And what was the mark of that success? . . . Piety spread. Religious devotion deepened. Women hid behind their veils. And as piety, devotion, and patriarchy bloomed, in every country a new kind of politics came into flower. It was the politics of slaughter - slaughter for the sake of sacred devotion, slaughter conducted in a mood of spiritual loftiness, slaughter indistinguishable from charity, slaughter that led to suicide, slaughter for slaughter's sake. It was a flower of evil. And this new politics, in its bright green Islamic color, proved to be sturdy. [2] p. 110. 

Ayatollah Khomeini sounded the trumpet for a new Jihad against everything Western. Iran became an exporter of revolutionary fighters, such as the Hezbollah, to other Muslim countries. On the ideological front, the teachings of men like Sayyid Qutb also started to spread through the Muslim world and helped to recruit large numbers of new fighters. Paul Berman writes: 

The single most influential writer in the Islamist tradition, at least among the Sunni Arabs, is generally recognized to be Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966) of Egypt, a formidable person. [2] p. 60.
 
Saudi Arabia embraced Sayyid Qutb's younger brother, Muhammad, and the other exiles from Nasser's repression because Islam in its Sunni branch, rather like Judaism, is a scholarly religion: there is no priesthood, only the scholarly interpreters of Islamic law. But Saudi Arabia was not brimming with scholars. The Egyptian scholars could do a lot for Saudi Arabia's religious credentials, then, and they could do so at a moment when, because of the oil boom, Saudi wealth was creeping upward into the realms of the spectacular. The Saudis established a missionary program abroad, which eventually constructed a full 1500 mosques around the world. . . . And from the pullulating mosques, a new mix of ideas, the traditional puritanical doctrines of Saudi Wahhabi Islam, reinforced now by the dynamic new Koranic readings from Qutb and Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, radiated outward.[2] p. 104.
 
And from all this al Qaeda emerged - from the early example of the Ayatollah in Iran, from the jihad in Afghanistan, from King Abdul Aziz University in Saudi Arabia, and from the Egyptian theologians.[2] p. 114. 

3. Islam declares war

Islam's declaration of war against the West was delivered in a spectacular fashion, on September 11, 2001. In psychological shock value on the American population, the surprise attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon exceeded that of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. 

At the time of this writing, we have been at war with Islam for two and a half years. During that interval conventional warfare has been going on in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq; let us also not forget the war in Palestine between Islam and the Jews of Israel. In addition, there have been bombings by Islamist agents in too many places in the world to count them all; the most effective of these was carried out in Madrid, Spain not long ago. 

Islam's resumption of open warfare against the West should not come as a surprise, nor be seen as unusual. Islam, being what it is, could not act otherwise; many centuries of past behavior testify to that fact. Here are comments from writers who are aware of the nature of Islam: 

The jihad that aims to increase the size of the dar-al-Islam at the expense of dar-al-harb is not a conventional war that begins at a certain point and ends at another. Jihad is a "permanent war" that "excludes the idea of peace but authorizes temporary truces related to the political situation (muhadana)." [7] p. 169.
 
No one seems to have told the modern-day warriors and apostles of Islam from Bosnia to the Philippines that jihad is a dead letter, and that Islam isn't doing any more expanding. . . Jihad will no more end with Osama bin Laden than it began with him. As the Encyclopedia of Islam put it in 1913, "Islam must be completely made over before the doctrine of jihad can be eliminated." If anything about the future is certain, it is that whatever the ultimate outcome of the war on terrorism may be, there will be more jihads as long as there are people who take the Qur'an as the word of Allah and the Sunnah as second only to the Qur'an as a reliable guide to behavior. [7] p. 170.
 
So long as Islam remains Islam (which it will) and the West remains the West (which is more dubious), this fundamental conflict between two great civilizations and ways of life will continue to define their relations in the future even as it has defined them for the past fourteen centuries. [1] p. 212.
 
Western political leaders, including the German chancellor and the French prime minister, expressed ... concerns, with the secretary general of NATO declaring in 1995 that Islamic fundamentalism was "as least as dangerous as communism" had been to the West, and a "very senior member" of the Clinton administration pointing to Islam as the global rival of the West. [1] p. 215.
 
If the Muslims allege that the West wars on Islam and if Westerners allege that Islamic groups war on the West, it seems reasonable to conclude that something very much like a war is underway. ... During the fifteen years between 1980 and 1995, according to the U.S. Defense Department, the United States engaged in seventeen military operations in the Middle East, all of them directed against Muslims. No comparable pattern of U.S. military operations occurred against the people of any other civilization.
The underlying problem for the West is not Islamic fundamentalism. It is Islam, a different civilization whose people are convinced of the superiority of their culture and are obsessed with the inferiority of their power. The problem for Islam is not the CIA or the U.S. Department of Defense. It is the West, a different civilization whose people are convinced of the universality of their culture and believe that their superior, if declining, power imposes on them the obligation to extend that culture throughout the world. [1] p. 217.

 

The West Refuses to Recognize Islam as the Enemy

In spite of its technological and military superiority, the West may lose and it certainly cannot win the current war. You do not defeat the enemy if you pretend that he does not exist. The official line, maintained by virtually all the statesmen, political leaders and the religious establishment in Western countries is that we are being attacked by "terrorists." Most of the time no clear ideological or religious affiliation of the "terrorists" is given. Yes, there is the nebulous Al Qaeda and its even more nebulous leader Osama Bin Laden, who are sometimes called "Islamic fundamentalists," and lately we are also told that "insurgents" are causing trouble in Iraq. But we really have not moved much beyond how President Bush identified the attackers on September 11, 2001; he called them simply your no-name, generic brand "terrorists." This is how Robert Spencer remembers it: 

"Islam is peace." George W. Bush went to a mosque to say it late in 2001. The September 11 terrorist attacks, he averred, "violate the fundamental tenets of the Islamic faith." In his September 20 address to Congress, he elaborated: "The terrorists practice a fringe form of Islamic extremism that has been rejected by Muslim scholars and the vast majority of Muslim clerics -- a fringe movement that perverts the peaceful teachings of Islam." . . .
 
Is George Bush right in saying that the terror of September 11 represented only a "fringe form of Islamic extremism"? [7] p. 7.
 
Besides the now-infamous Palestinians dancing in the streets for CNN's cameramen at the news that the World Trade Center towers had collapsed, demonstrators around the world chanted their approval. These people were not all Wahhabis or uneducated mobs. "Reporters from Arab shores," according to Johns Hopkins University professor Fouad Ajami, "tell us of affluent men and women, some with years of education in American universities behind them, celebrating the cruel deed of Muhammad Atta and his hijackers." A Libyan told the New York Times: "September 11 was the happiest day of my life." [7] p. 16.
 
Not only George Bush and Tony Blair, but Westerners in general misunderstand Islam on a massive scale because they persist, probably without realizing it, in viewing the religion of Muhammad in light of Christian categories and experience. The most prominent indication of this is the constant reference to Islamic "fundamentalists." . . . Inside and outside the umma (the worldwide community of Muslim believers), Muslims agree that [the Five Pillars] are at the heart of their religion: the confession of faith, daily prayer, almsgiving, fasting during Ramadan, and the pilgrimage to Mecca. In this sense, virtually all Muslims are fundamentalists. [7] p. 22. 

and Paul Berman makes the same observation: 

It ought to have been obvious that, sooner or later, the United States and its allies were going to look into the Lebanese Hezbollah, which meant looking into the Syrian government and the Iranian mullahs. It ought to have been obvious that something would have to be done about Saudi Arabia -- the biggest problem of all, arguably. Peace and safety may not be compatible, in the end, with the existence of a fanatical, obscurantist, intolerant, anti-Semitic, obsessively patriarchal, polygamous, terror-minded, theocratic, supremely wealthy petro-monarchy that insists on spreading its missionary message to the world. But in Bush's discussions of the Terror War, none of this was even broached. [2] p. 200. 

This absolutely insane refusal to acknowledge that on September 11, 2001, America was not attacked by just a gang of "terrorists," but that on that date Islam itself renewed the Jihad against the West, leads to a very dangerous underestimate of the potential number of fighters Islam can mobilize for this war. Robert Spencer writes: 

Middle East analyst Daniel Pipes estimates [the number of terrorist sympathizers in Muslim countries] as between 100 million and 150 million people. This doesn't mean that the remaining 850 to 900 million Muslims around the world are all peace-loving. [7] p. 36.
 
In this light, the number of terrorists and their sympathizers is likely to grow beyond Pipe's 100 to 150 million. . . . "When liberal Muslims declare that Sept. 11 was an atrocity contrary to the Koran," observes Farrukh Dhondy, "the majority of Muslims around the world don't believe them. They accept the interpretation of fundamentalists, whom liberal Muslims have allowed to remain unchallenged." That is why the Bush/Blair cure for terrorism may end up being worse than ineffectual. The Islam that the West embraces in order to co-opt bin Laden today may be the Islam that assaults the West tomorrow. [7] p. 37. 

The United States (with the other Western countries reluctantly in tow) has responded to Islam's challenge by setting off on a fool's errand into fantasy land. President Bush stormed into Afghanistan and Iraq not so as to compel Islam to live by the civilized norms of the Western world. Rather, Bush's intention in Afghanistan and Iraq is to embrace Islam and - of all things - to democratize it! 

All over the Muslim world, the ayatollahs, imams, and mullahs must be having a good laugh in private over Bush's idiotic notion, even as they continue to preach to their followers the vilest sermons of hate imaginable against the West in their mosques. In the countries of the West, where they enjoy the luxury of religious freedom, their message to the faithful Muslims is more subdued, more muted, but it is there. 

Exactly how ridiculous the situation has become is illustrated by a recent incident (26 March, 2004) in Iraq. While U.S. troops (who ostensibly are there to fight for Iraqi "democracy") were engaged in a full-scale fire-fight with "insurgents" in the town of Fallujah, an influential Shiite cleric in Iraq called Israel's targeted killing of the spiritual leader of Hamas a "dirty crime against Islam" and the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, "a miracle from God." Moqtada al-Sadr delivered a charged sermon Friday at a mosque near the holy city of Najaf, blasting Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon for the killing of Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, founder of Hamas. 

Here we are: the Shi'ite cleric, who Americans liberated from Sadam Hussein's brutal oppression at the cost of their own lives, calls the attacks of September 11, 2001, "a miracle of God." That brings us up to date as of this writing. If the West remains on the idiotic course it is on now, it cannot win the war with Islam, but it can surely lose it. 

The End

 

References

[1] The Clash of Civilizations, by Samuel P. Huntington, Simon &Schuster, 1997 

[2] Terror and Liberalism, by Paul Berman, W. W. Norton & Co., 2003 

[3] The Seed of Abraham, by Raphael Patai, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1987 

[4] Mohammed, by Maxime Rodinson, Pantheon Books, 1971 

[5] Among the Believers, by V.S. Naipaul, Vintage Books, 1982 

[6] The Spirit of Allah, by Amir Taheri, Adler & Adler, 1986 

[7] Islam Unveiled, by Robert Spencer, Encounter Books, 2002 

[8] Jihad, by Paul Fregosi, Prometheus Books, 1998 

[9] Reliance of the Traveler: A Classic Manual of Islamic Sacred Law, translated from Arabic by Nuh Ha Mim Keller, Amana Publications, 1994 

[10] The Messianic Legacy, by Michael Baigent et al., Corgi Books, 1993 

[11] Al-Imam al-Mahdi, by Ayatollah Ibrahim Amini, translated by Dr. Abdulaziz Sachedina, Ansariyan Publications, 1999 

[12] The Trouble With Islam, by Irshad Manji, Random House, 2003

 


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