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The
Renaissance: A New View of Politics and
Physics
Niccolo
Machiavelli and Galileo
Galilei
TABLE OF
CONTENTS
I.
General Notions
One of the characteristics of the Renaissance
was a concentration on the particular, on the
individual -- something that had been neglected
during the Middle Ages, since the Middle Ages were
entirely preoccupied with the universal and the
transcendental.
The study of history, in so far as history
signifies the science of effective, concrete and
individual reality, had remained outside -- though
not opposed to -- the concern of medieval thinkers.
Earlier thinkers, such as Aristotle and Thomas
Aquinas, had begun with the particular, not to
remain with it, but to surpass and transcend it.
For them, only that which was universal and
transcended phenomenal reality had value.
During the Renaissance, on the other hand, study
was made of phenomena, of concrete reality, not as
a means of rising to absolute values, but in order
to remain with the ambit of concreteness.
Philosophers sought to explain the individual
through the individual, phenomena through
phenomena, and fell into the habit of not giving
due attention to what transcend such effective
reality.
This love and study of detail and of the
individual, passed on to later ages, ha given
origin to history and to natural science (physics),
which represent the real achievements of modern
thought.
The error of the modern age rests not in these
achievements, but in the attempt to replace
traditional realistic metaphysics with history and
physics. This trend is characteristic of all modern
thought. Once a thinker begins with the
presupposition that he is not to concern himself
with any transcendental reality and that study
should be limited to the search for the laws of
phenomenal reality alone, there remains for him
nothing else but to proclaim these laws as the last
and ultimate data of human thought, and hence to
put physics in the place of traditional
metaphysics.
Thus we have a harmful inversion, no less
damaging than the inversion of decadent
Scholasticism, which held that the scientific
writings of Aristotle, and especially of his
physics, were so connected with metaphysics that
the destruction of one meant the ruin of the other.
This unjustified prejudice was the cause of many
errors, such as the trial of Galileo. At present
the opposite prejudice is held; sciences take the
role of metaphysics.
To avoid these evils it is necessary that
metaphysics and the natural sciences take note of
their limits. The sciences have for their object
the study of phenomena and the laws relative to
these phenomena. The proper object of philosophy is
the reality which transcends the phenomena, that
is, the absolute, the universal, the ultimate cause
and end.
On the one hand metaphysics, concerned with
universal knowledge, has no contact with the
particular as such, and therefore cannot dictate
the laws which regulate phenomenal reality. On the
other hand, physical science, limited to the study
of phenomena, has no right to dictate metaphysical
laws pertaining to philosophy.
In a word, philosophy is not the science of the
particular, and physical science is not philosophy.
Given their proper scope, one is not opposed to the
other; indeed they complement each other.
The most representative exponents of the new
science during the period of the Renaissance are
Machiavelli and Galileo. Neither was a philosopher,
notwithstanding the pretensions of both to be such,
but both were theorists of reality as it presents
itself to experience: Machiavelli for history
applied to politics, and Galileo for mathematics as
applied to physics.
II.
Niccolo Machiavelli
Life
Niccolo Machiavelli (picture)
was born in Florence in 1469. He was secretary to
the Dieci di Liberta e Pace, or the Ten of the
Florentine Republic. Destitute and deprived of
office when the Medici returned to power, he was
exiled for a time but was later recalled. He died
in obscurity and neglect in 1527, Among his varied
writings, those of particular interest to
philosophy are: Il Principe (The Autocrat,
better known as The Prince), and
Discourses on the First Decade of Titus
Livius.
Political
Thought
The problem of the state had already been
discussed by Aristotelian-Scholastic philosophy,
which had advanced a solution based on the premise
that man, by reason of his rational nature, tends
to the perfect society, the state. Consequently,
the positive elements of the state, and in
particular the element of morality, must be derived
from the concept of the rational being and
not from the fact of man's actual historical
behavior.
The concept of morality, like all rational
concepts, is something absolute, which cannot vary
even though it has been disobeyed. Thus, even
granted the hypothesis that all men tell lies, the
rational concept of lying as a moral evil, remains
constant. For Machiavelli this principle did not
hold true, because of the immanentist principle
that the state must be considered in itself without
reference to any reality which might transcend
it.
The problem which Machiavelli sets out to solve
is how to enlarge and maintain the state, which
must be ordered to the greater good of the
citizens. To solve this problem, Machiavelli
appeals to history, which reveals that states rise
out of the conflict of violent passions, and that a
leader succeeds in forming and maintaining a state
only if with greater passion than his opponent he
is able to triumph over him.
Machiavelli draws the conclusion that the prince
or autocrat cannot appeal to Christian ascetical or
renunciatory morality, but must use force and
cunning, according to circumstances, to overcome
his adversaries. Hence the principle of the new
science in politics was: "The end justifies the
means." The prince must justify his action in
reference to the maintenance of the state; and he
will be a good ruler if he achieves this end,
regardless of what means he uses.
Nevertheless the prince (and the state) of
Machiavelli have an ethics, surely not Christian
ethics, but the Humanist Renaissance ethics of love
of country. Machiavelli was an eyewitness to the
miseries which afflicted the Italy of his day,
divided and lacerated as it was by discord and the
wars of various princes. To put an end to the role
of these princes, whose ambitions laid all Italy
open to strife, he dreamed of the rise of an ideal
prince, the incarnation of Caesar Borgia, who, with
the force of a lion and the cunning of a wolf,
would succeed in subjugating all petty rulers and
forming a single Italian state.
Seeing that the rulers of his day were egoistic
and wicked, Machiavelli dreamed of raising up in
his prince a greater egoism and more violent
passions in order to overcome the power of the
local tyrants and to establish a principality which
must save Italy, the Italy which in his day was
"without a head, without order, lacerated and
beaten."
Along with the theories of Machiavelli must be
considered the politico-religious thought of
Girolamo Savonarola (1452-1498). Savonarola also
starts with a consideration of the actual chaos of
society and of the Church, and sees a possibility
of a renovation through the intervention of a lay
prince (for him, Charles VIII). For Savonarola the
intervention of a lay prince must be only
occasional, because he does not deny the Church
lives and moves in virtue of the eternal promise of
its founder, Jesus Christ. Thus he cannot be judged
heretical.
Note must also be taken of the political thought
of the Catholic priest Giovanni Botero (1540-1617).
In his work Of the Nature of the State,
comprising ten books, he counsels the prince to
prudently hide his weaknesses, in order to preserve
his regal reputation, and to fully respect the
Catholic religion, which is a precious and
indispensable means for rendering politically
docile men who are profoundly inclined to evil, and
to direct the militia and into war the instinctive
ferocity of man.
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III.
Galileo Galilei
Life
Born in Pisa in 1564, Galileo Galilei (picture),
known usually as just Galileo, taught first in his
native city, and then in Padua. From Padua he went
to Florence, called there by Cosimo II, who
nominated him head mathematician and philosopher.
In 1616 the Roman Inquisition, summoning Galileo
for interrogation, condemned the Copernican
heliocentric system and prohibited Galileo from
teaching it. In 1623 Galileo, in controversy with
the Jesuit Orazio Grassi, published Il
Saggiatore (The Appraiser), and in 1632,
Dialogue on the Two Greatest Systems of the
World. This persistent defense of the
heliocentric system was the cause of Galileo's
second trial and of his condemnation in 1633. He
passed the last years of his life in the village of
Arcetri near Florence, where he died in 1642. (More
than 350 years later the Catholic Church formally
apologized for its treatment of Galileo.)
General
Doctrine
Galileo is one of the most representative
figures of the Renaissance. An excellent writer, he
made discoveries in the entire field of physics,
especially in the science of mechanics, in
astronomy and in the methodology of science.
Nevertheless, he is not a philosopher in the strict
sense of the word.
Notable is his method for scientific research,
which enabled him and his disciples to achieve
great discoveries. His theory of knowledge,
however, is not sustained by an adequate
metaphysics; the metaphysics which logically should
support his theory is atomistic, and does not
conform to the principles of the Catholic faith,
which Galileo sincerely professed.
The Galilean
Method
The theory of knowledge of Galileo begins, like
that of Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas, with
experience. But Aristotle and Aquinas use
experience in order to arrive at the absolute
values of matter and form, while Galileo is content
to remain in the field of experience. His purpose
is to tell us not what nature is, but
how nature reveals itself. He studies nature
to learn the laws which govern natural phenomena,
and not as steppingstone to reach an understanding
of the underlying reality of things.
Nature, according to Galileo, has a mathematical
structure; its characteristics are triangles,
rectangles, circles, spheres, cones, pyramids, and
other mathematical figures. Mathematics represents
the rational element of nature, and when the full
content of mathematics is finally discovered, then
nature is apprehended.
To arrive at the knowledge of such mathematical
laws, Galileo says, we must make use of sense and
reason, by passing through three stages:
- 1. The observation of the facts which fall
within our experience;
- 2. The elaboration of a mathematical
hypothesis as a presumed explanation of the
phenomena under observation;
- 3. Verification of the hypothesis through
new facts of experience. If the verification of
experience agrees, the hypothesis becomes
law.
This method of Galileo without doubt led to
numerous scientific discoveries. But it is to be
noted that in following this method we are in the
field of science and not philosophy; we learn
that phenomena appear according to mathematical
formulae, but we learn nothing of the reality from
which these phenomena originate. Such a method
falls short of being a true metaphysics.
If it is necessary to suppose a metaphysical
basis for such a method, the only one that can be
attributed to it is materialistic atomism,
according to which the ultimate or basic elements
are quantity (atoms) and motion. If for Democritus
(an early Greek naturalistic philosopher) the atoms
moving in space were directed by chance, for
Galileo they are directed by mathematical laws.
Indeed, beginning with Galileo, this new
physio-mathematics was to take the place of
traditional metaphysics.
Furthermore, it must be kept in mind that
qualitative values find no place in physical
mathematics for the simple reason that they (e.g.,
odors, tastes, etc.) are not reducible to
mathematical formulae. Hence it becomes necessary
to distinguish between quantitative elements
(expansion, weight, motion) and qualitative
elements (odors, tastes, etc.). The first are
called objective, having a reality distinct from
the subject; the second will be called subjective,
being modifications of the subject and devoid of
any objective reality.
This theory, proposed by Galileo and afterwards
followed by John Locke in his noted distinction
between primary and secondary qualities, was to
become part of modern thought. Now, such mechanism
is in opposition to the transcendence of God and
hence in opposition to the very faith professed by
Galileo. Consequently, the Galilean method must be
considered as a method of science and not as a
theory of knowledge, for knowledge is based on
metaphysics.
The Trial of
Galileo
It is necessary to hold fast to this distinction
between science and philosophy (theology) in order
to find the reason for the two condemnations (1616
and 1633) the Catholic Church's Holy Office
(Inquisitors) made of Galileo's defense of the
heliocentric system of Copernicus.
Nicolaus Copernicus, in his famous De
revolutionibus orbium caelestium (Concerning
the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres), had
proposed, without giving direct proofs, a new
astronomical system which can be summarized in this
way: The world is spherical and finite, its extreme
limits being the heaven of the fixed stars.
Heavenly bodies are all spherical, and their
movement is circular and uniform. The sun is
located at the center of the system, and the
planets rotate around it. The earth is a planet and
has a double movement, revolving daily around its
own axis, and annually around the sun.
Galileo was the announcer of this system. He too
neglected to give direct proofs; he had the
intuition of genius rather than scientific
knowledge. In reference to the two trials to which
Galileo was subjected for teaching this radical
system, it is necessary to remember the good faith
on both sides of the dispute: Galileo, a convinced
Catholic, and the members of the Commission of the
Holy Office, among whom were persons like Robert
Cardinal Bellarmine, far above any personal
intrigue.
Moreover, there were failings on both sides.
Galileo did not confine himself to proposing the
heliocentric doctrine as a scientific hypothesis;
but to corroborate it he became an interpreter of
the celebrated Scriptural passage which speaks of
Josue's causing the sun to stand still. The members
of the Commission of the Holy Office, according to
the prejudice then in vogue, believed that the
destruction of Aristotle's physics meant the ruin
of his metaphysics as well, and that the whole body
of medieval thought would crumble. Certainly, they
were not disposed to accept the new system.
If there had been a consciousness of the limits
of science and philosophy -- a recognition that the
one is the knowledge of how and the other of
the why of nature; if it had been considered
that physical science is non-philosophical and has
nothing to do with the principles of metaphysics,
and that the principles of metaphysics do not
reveal the laws that regulate nature, it would have
been possible to avoid all that happened. But the
times were not yet ripe for such a distinction
between science and philosophy, and history is
obliged to record the unhappy results.
Direct proofs of the Copernican system were
formulated only later, with Johannes Kepler
(1571-1630), who established the three famous laws
which regulate the movement of the stars; and with
Newton (1642-1727), who completed the system with
the law of universal gravitation, thus explaining
the equilibrium of heavenly bodies.
It should be noted that in 1993 the Catholic
Church recognized its error regarding Galileo and
apologized for his condemnation by the
Commissioners of the Holy Office at that time.
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