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September 19, 2006
Revisiting
the Intellectual Heritage of a Free
Society
by Edward W. Younkins, Ph.D.
The
origins of theoretical arguments for a free society
make up a long and distinguished tradition which
stretches back at least to the 6th Century B.C. and
spans writers until the present day. Elements of
the liberal outlook have been discovered in the
ancient world. Many individuals have attempted to
find the best case for a classical political
liberal order and their philosophies have been
varied and numerous. The study of the classical
liberal heritage is instructive for its
philosophical insights &endash; much can be learned
by studying the efforts of others. This survey of
the ideas of major liberal philosophers and
economists in recorded thought will demonstrate
that, to a great extent, modern thinkers restate
and build up on the ideas of the great thinkers of
the past. What are seen as "new" theories are
oftentimes the result of a mixture of past
theories. It has taken a great deal of time and
thought to reach the current stage in the
development of the philosophy of freedom as
numerous individuals have contributed to its
development.
Ancient and Medieval
Periods
Taoist philosopher, Lao
Tzu (604-531 B.C.) described general laws of
nature that cannot be changed, but that could be
employed to achieve one's goals. His naturalistic
ethics promoted a doctrine of the liberation of the
individual through withdrawal into the wisdom and
values of the inner self. Desiring to permit each
person as much freedom as possible, Lao Tzu said
that inaction was the proper function of the
government &endash; the state should control
through noninterference. Opposing a multitude of
regulations, he taught that codified laws and rules
are harmful. He cautioned rulers not to use
coercion or to permit others to use force against
peaceful individuals. He said that, without law or
compulsion, men would live in harmony.
Aristotle
(384-322 B.C.) influenced so many thinkers from
Aquinas to Locke to the Founding Fathers, to
Menger, Rand, Rothbard, and beyond. The roots of
freedom and individualism can be traced back to
Aristotle, who acknowledged their moral
significance and the value of each individual's
life and happiness. He taught that a person gains
happiness through the exercise of his realized
capacities and that the purpose of life is earthly
happiness that can be attained via reason and the
acquisition of virtue. In his ethics, Aristotle
teaches that a human being uses his rational mind
and free will to pursue his well-being and personal
happiness (i.e., eudaimonia).
Eudaimonia is a state of individual
well-being brought about by rationality and
characterized by self-actualization and maturation.
He sees happiness as the product of a life
well-lived and explains that a person's own
behavior is the largest single factor determining
one's happiness. Aristotle recognizes that moral
virtue is inextricably connected to an individual's
capacity for initiative-taking, for choice, and for
voluntary conduct. For Aristotle, human nature is
teleological and that telos is
self-perfection. An Aristotelian ethics of
naturalism states that morally good conduct is that
which enables an individual agent to make the best
possible progress toward achieving his
self-perfection and happiness. Aristotle did not
think that ethics was an exact science. This may be
due to his lack of the notion of objective concepts
(including concepts such as value or good). He saw
essences as metaphysical with universals existing
within particulars and he seems, to many
philosophers, to have relied on intuitive
induction. Other thinkers interpret Aristotle as
advocating mental effort in order to discern
distinguishing features.
Aristotle, like other Greek thinkers, used
reason to think systematically about the world.
Failing to clearly distinguish between society and
the state, Aristotle said that the purpose of the
state was to advance the well-being and happiness
of the members of political society. For Aristotle
and for many other ancient philosophers, political
associations exist for the sake of good actions
&endash; the state is to promote virtue. The
promotion of the good or of virtue is the central
goal of the polis &endash; the polis
exists for the sake of the good life. After
emphasizing that the proper end of government is
the promotion of its citizens' happiness. Aristotle
goes on to advocate a "mixed regime." This was the
beginning of the idea of constitutionalism
including the separation of powers and checks and
balances.
Aristotle also developed the first components of
a systematic economic theory. For Aristotle,
economics is embedded in politics. The economic
component in Greek philosophy, including that of
Aristotle, was subordinated to the political and
ethical dimensions. He explained that labor has
value but that it does not give value. Aristotle
also noted that value is assigned by man and is not
inherent in goods. In addition, he anticipated the
idea of diminishing marginal utility and commented
favorably on the merits of private property.
For Epicurus (341-270 B.C.) the individual
person is the domain of moral endeavor. All values
must transpire during a person's life according to
Epicurus' atomistic and materialistic theory of
nature. He explains that the only intrinsic good is
an individual's own pleasure or happiness which
consists of the absence of both physical pain and
mental disturbances. He says that the pursuit of
pleasure should be guided by reason and recommends
a rather ascetic life as the most fitting way to
attain pleasure. Epicurus identified both kinetic
and static pleasures and said that men should aim
for a state of contentment or tranquility of mind.
He held that free will exists because some random
elements exist in the world. Epicurus said that
each person should be as free as possible to plan
and live his own life and warned people not to get
involved in politics because of the problems and
worry that accompany it. Epicurus held a
contractarian theory of justice and viewed
friendships as a means of gaining pleasure.
Stoicism was an important philosophical movement
from approximately the third century B.C. to the
fourth century A.D. The essential idea of the
natural law, a law by which even rulers could be
judged, was developed in the Roman world by the
Stoic philosophers. The Stoic philosophers were the
first thinkers to develop and systematize,
particularly in the legal realm, the concept and
philosophy of natural law. Throughout history,
liberal, moral, and political assertions have been
grounded in theories of natural law and the
later-developed but related concept of natural
rights.
Thomas
Aquinas (1225-1274) combined the philosophy of
Aristotle with Christianity. It is sometimes said
that Aquinas is Aristotle plus Augustine. Viewing
philosophy and theology as complementary, Aquinas
taught that natural law could be discerned by
unaided reason and that positive laws should be
derived from natural law. He said that there were
two authorities, one spiritual and the other
temporal. According to Aquinas, men need a civil
authority such as the state and the state was a
natural institution. He said that the state had
limits being bound by the laws of God's creation.
Aquinas thus favored a mixed regime in politics.
Aquinas added a supernatural end to Aristotle's
naturalistic morality. Like Aristotle, he noted the
inexact nature of ethics. Aquinas, the Christian
Aristotelian, emphasized the role of virtue as
man's telos. He saw virtue in the
cultivation and enjoyment of one's earthly life.
Perfect happiness may occur later, but in the
meantime, a person can experience imperfect
happiness on earth in the form of his personal
human flourishing. Later, the 16th century Spanish
Scholastic thinkers (sometimes referred to as the
school of Salamanca) further developed the work of
Aquinas to explain theology, natural law, and
economics. In doing so, they anticipated theories
developed in the future by Adam Smith, the Austrian
economists, and others.
Early Modern and
Renaissance Periods
Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) was not a liberal
himself, but he did provide the philosophical
foundations for a materialistic and reductionistic
liberalism and for an economic approach to human
social life. His radical individualism held that
persons seek their own self-satisfaction and are
instinctually disposed toward self-preservation.
For Hobbes, the original state of nature is a state
of atomistic isolation in which every man is
against every other man. He observes that people
are equal in their unending desires and limitless
claims. The state of nature is thus insecure.
Hobbes defends liberty against anarchy rather than
liberty against oppression &endash; his goal is
peace. He explains that when people formed civil
society the necessity for developing a legal system
came about. Laws had to emerge in order to
coordinate behavior. He saw the protection of laws
as making self-satisfaction possible and thought
that a strong state would best assure peace. It
follows that Hobbes was an absolute monarchist in
his politics. According to Hobbes, when the social
contract was entered into each person forfeited his
rights to a monarch or to a civil government so as
to improve his self-interest in making progress in
his life. Hobbes argued that individuals had
"rights" in the state of nature in the sense that
they are expected to act because they are
determined to behave in a certain way &endash; they
are driven by the motive of self-preservation. It
follows that Hobbesian rights lack a moral
dimension. According to his psychological egoism,
everyone pursues his self-interest in the form of
some subjectively perceived good. An individual
gives up or transfers his power and is obligated to
obey the commands of the sovereign. By delegating
all of one's authority, protection is made more
efficient. Hobbes had no theory of the abuse of
power by the absolute state.
Spinoza's
(1632-1677) monist, deductive, and rationalist
philosophy had no ontological hierarchy. He said
that individuals are bound by natural laws and
exist in order to assert themselves in the world in
their unique singularity. Although he envisioned a
deterministic universe, Spinoza held that an entity
is free that exists by the necessity of its own
nature and that is determined in its own actions by
itself alone. Like Aristotle, Spinoza values
something to the degree to which it realizes its
nature. He sees freedom as meaning a person
endeavoring to persist in his own being. To be free
is to be guided by the law of one's own nature.
Spinoza also observes that freedom means that
options exist and that people have the ability to
make value judgments and decisions. For Spinoza,
the heart of virtue is the attempt a person makes
to preserve his own being. To act with virtue is to
pursue one's being in accordance with reason on the
basis of what is of interest and useful to one's
self. He cautions people not to be controlled by
external forces or by their emotions. According to
Spinoza, the free person is not afraid of eternal
punishment nor does he expect any rewards in an
afterlife.
Spinoza makes it clear that the individual
maintains his natural rights when he enters civil
society. He explains that the purpose of the state
is freedom, that the state has no moral foundation,
and that the state is without moral principles
&endash; morality is excluded from Spinoza's
political theory. Politics is not suited for the
production of virtue. A good government will
provide as much freedom as possible, particularly
the freedom to express one's views &endash; people
need freedom to philosophize and to hold religious
beliefs. Spinoza did not want religion to be an
interfering factor in politics. He therefore
proposed the subordination of religion to politics
in order to protect the state from the diverse
proclamations and judgments of those with
incommensurable religious beliefs. Spinoza
recommended that the state have power over outward
observances of devotion and external religious
rites but not to inward worship of God. People's
freedom of religious diversity would be restricted
to private belief and worship.
John
Locke (1632-1704) was an empiricist who taught
that ideas begin with sense experience. Although he
said that nature inclines man toward seeking
happiness, he is able, with some difficulty, to
defend free will in the sense that a person's mind
has the power to suspend the execution of
satisfactions and desires and is free to consider,
examine, and weigh them &endash; men can control
their thinking. Locke's key concepts include the
state of nature, natural law, natural rights,
social contract, consent of the governed, and the
right of property ownership.
Locke's state of nature includes moral elements.
He saw a divinely orchestrated universe into which
people are born free, independent, and equal. Locke
espoused a natural law ethics which governs the
state of nature and which guides a person's conduct
prior to the construction of civil law. The state
of nature is not a state of license. He said that
natural rights exist in the state of nature before
the introduction of civil government and that men
in the state of nature know the moral law through
reason. Locke recognized that the natural right to
liberty is necessary for the possibility of moral
action. He said that it is a law of nature that
each person "owns himself" by which he means that
the individual has the final authority for guiding
and living his own life. Locke's doctrine of
natural rights laid the foundation for the moral
space of each person.
When men live in accordance with reason in the
state of nature and abide by the laws of nature
then peace and goodwill will prevail. According to
Locke, God wanted happiness and pleasure for his
creatures and ordained that there was virtue in
pleasure and pleasure in virtue &endash; earthly
happiness was seen as an end in itself. God made
each person tabula rasa starting from the
same initial position. Human nature implies natural
rights so that each person be treated in a certain
way and be permitted to govern his own life. The
law of nature implies negative freedom including
the right to private property. Locke explains that
God gave property to all men in common, but that
people can mix their labor with previously unowned
property thereby making it their private property.
He says that civil power is derived from the
individual right of each person to protect himself
and his property. Private property is justified
because the survival of each individual requires
that he be able to use material objects to sustain
his life. Locke's theory of first possession is his
fundamental principle of property rights. This is
also known as the labor-entitlement theory of
property or as the homestead principle of the
acquisition of previously unowned property. Locke
emphasizes that, when property becomes private,
processes emerge that increase and improve that
which is left for others.
Society and government are founded when a social
contract is entered into. Locke distinguishes
between society and the state and explains that
government is established to protect individual
rights. That is the point of government. He states
that consent is the source of a just government
authority and of its citizens' obligations.
Individuals' natural inalienable rights limit the
proper sphere of government to the preservation of
people's lives, liberties, and estates. If
government exceeds that sphere then people can
justifiably revolt. Locke thus focuses on the
notion of freedom versus oppression when he speaks
of the limited and revocable power of government to
protect and preserve what the law of nature
implies. He wants the power of a representative
government to be separated. Consent of the governed
is required to legitimize government and to limit
its power.
A skeptic in his
analysis of causation, the
empiricist
David Hume (1711-1776) did not believe that a
person could really know human nature. The human
mind could only know of sensory experience. He said
that a person can only know his experiences and
that the future can differ from the past.
Therefore, a stable nature can only be suggested by
experience. Aiming his radical empiricism at
epistemological rationalists, he denied the
possibility of moral, as well as scientific,
knowledge. Hume rejects the possibility that a
person could ever know what is morally right or
wrong. He taught that a man should yield to the
sentiments rather than to the judgment of reason.
As a determinist, he denied free choice, agent
causality, self-initiation, and self-governance.
Espousing that no objective ethical standards exist
(the is-ought gap), Hume explained that morality is
subjective, intuitive, spontaneously-evolved, and
conventional. The skeptic and anti-rationalist Hume
led to contemporary consequentialism and
utilitarian liberalism. Assigning reason a
subordinate role, Hume limited reason to the
function of evaluating means to
subjectively-determined ends. He maintains that a
person is free only to the degree that his will
chooses from alternatives open to him.
The empirically and scientifically-oriented Hume
does affirm civil, political, and economic freedom.
He contended that noninterference with market
processes had instrumental value with respect to
the facilitation of progress. Hume accepted the
distinction between society and the state and
maintained, as a utilitarian, that actions are good
if they result in public benefits. He understood
the productivity and benevolence of unhampered
markets and argued for private property, voluntary
contracts, free banking, and the spontaneous order
of an open society.
Political economy began to become a more
distinct area of study with the French physiocrats
and Scottish philosophers. The physiocrats embodied
economics in a system of political and social
philosophy. The Enlightenment-era physiocrats
showed an early theoretical awareness of the
important function of natural law in economics. The
physiocrats assigned priority to agriculture over
the mercantile and industrial sectors of the
economy. They did not equate wealth with money and
explained that nature in its economic manifestation
is the source of value. Land, as the ultimate
producer of the necessities for human existence, is
what should bear the tax burden. The physiocrats
wanted to reduce taxes, have a more equitable
distribution of the tax burden, and eliminate
mercantilist and other trade restrictions. The
physiocrats also espoused the idea of a
spontaneously self-equilibrating economic system
that was later made part of the classical tradition
by Adam Smith.
An associate of the physiocrats, A.R.J.
Turgot (1727-1781) viewed human progress as
based on human capacities, free will, and natural
law. He said that progress was both the inexorable
result of historical development and as the product
of human will and rationality. This progress
depended upon the ongoing accretion, inheritance,
and communication of the inventory of knowledge.
Like the physiocrats, Turgot advocated free trade
and a single tax on the net product of land. He
explained the mutual benefits of free exchange and
that value was subjective (i.e., personal) and
could only be measured ordinally. Turgot also held
an early idea of diminishing marginal productivity
and saw the relationship between saving and capital
accumulation. Viewing money as a commodity, he
explained interest in terms of time preference.
For Adam
Smith (1723-1790) political economy grew out of
moral philosophy. A deist who subscribed to the
Stoic worldview, Smith said that the world is
designed by God so as to maximize human happiness.
The universe was seen by Smith as a
rationally-ordered system in which God had endowed
men with capacities and propensities. The world was
one of natural law and teleological design in which
men were endowed with principles of their nature.
Smith endeavored to outline a complete social
philosophy in his Theory of Moral Sentiments
and The Wealth of Nations that were meant
to be compatible with one another. These works
explain what Smith calls the system of natural
liberty.
Smith viewed philosophy as the science of the
connecting principles of nature. In ethics he said
that sympathy was the connecting principle and that
it was self-interest (or commercial ambition) in
economics. He saw two types of appropriate human
behavior &endash; beneficence and self-interest.
Smith envisioned an invisible hand inclining human
action toward the public good. He spoke of God's
liberal plan of equality, liberty, and justice.
Smith went on to describe two levels of virtue
&endash; the primary (nobler) ones and the
commercial ones.
According to Smith, man is a social being who
acquires a moral code through experience &endash;
there is an evolutionary process by which moral
sentiments and virtues develop. He says that each
person has an innate desire for mutual sympathy
&endash; sympathy arises because of one's natural
feeling for others' well-being. Smith explains that
the process is aided by the use of what he calls
the impartial spectator procedure. He states that
the motive for one's virtuousness is the love of
what is noble and honorable and of the dignity and
superiority of one's own character.
Smith holds that each person is naturally
disposed to serve his own well-being. Commercial
man pursues his own well-beings and performs his
proper role when he seeks fundamental goods.
Commercial ambition aimed at one's private
interests secures public benefits in Smith's system
of natural liberty. He says that deception by
nature leads men to think they will gain great
happiness when they seek their own self-interest.
When each person is able to strive for his own good
such efforts would best secure public wealth. He
explains that the less government there is the
better the system works for prosperity.
Smith's The Wealth of Nations laid the
foundation for the modern science of economics.
Although he does not emphasize individual rights,
Smith acknowledges that such a system would
underpin his system of free enterprise. He also
explains that governments are valued only to the
extent to which they promote the happiness of the
citizens living under them. Smith also developed
the idea that order in human affairs arises
spontaneously.
Unfortunately, Smith, at best, developed only a
constricted and weak form of free will in his
writings. For Smith, man is merely a Humean slave
of the passions who can only select from among the
various sentiments he experiences. Smith explains
that a man can control and exercise his emotions
and actions through what he calls self-command.
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