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October
24, 2007
What's Good
For The Goose
by Gerald A. Honigman
ain't
good for the gander.
I just found out from one of my Middle East
sources that the United States and Britain recently
made a joint call for Iraq to take immediate steps
to halt cross-border attacks by the Iraqi-based
Kurdish PKK into Turkey.
The Voice of America's David Gollust reported
from the State Department that the issue dominated
a Washington meeting between Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice and British Foreign Secretary
David Miliband. While both welcomed statements by
the Iraqi government condemning attacks by the PKK,
they say it's now time for more tangible action to
be taken by the central government in Baghdad and
the Kurdish Regional Authority if a large-scale
Turkish invasion is to be avoided.
I agree
and have told my Kurdish friends
the same. No nation should be expected to tolerate
such attacks.
But, here's my problem
the typical State
Department double standards and hypocrisy so
readily practiced.
Let's back up a bit. And before I proceed,
please understand that there is much about the
Turkish Republic that I admire. That does not mean,
however, that a cover-up is in order.
After World War I, Mustafa
Kemal--Ataturk--saved what was left of the
Ottoman Empire and saw to the birth of the modern
Turkish Republic.
Now minus most of its former European and Near
Eastern territories, Turkey drew its lines in the
sand beyond which no further territorial losses
would be tolerated. The Armenians and Kurds
especially got caught up in this bloody
turmoil.
Forming about one-fifth of Turkey's population
(the same percentage of Arabs who live in an Israel
about one-fortieth Turkey's size), the Kurds
are found mostly in the southeastern region.
They've lived in the particular area for
millennia
long before an Arab or Turk ever set
foot there.
During the age of the spread of the Dar ul-Islam
especially via various Arab and Turkish empires,
the Kurds jumped on the Islamic bandwagon.
Salah-al-Din was the Kurdish nightmare of
Christendom during the Crusades.
But, by the 19th century, emerging
ethno-nationalist revolts for independence had
already begun. During the era of World War I, a
common saying among Western diplomats regarding the
war's aftermath and the collapse of the Turks'
empire went something like this
Arabia for
the Arabians, Armenia for the Armenians, Judea for
the Judeans.
Along these same lines, one of President Woodrow
Wilson's famous 14 Points addressed Kurdish
independence as well. The British held out such
hopes to the Kurds until they received a favorable
decision from the League of Nations in 1925 tying
the oil of the Kurdish north to the new British
Mandate of Mesopotamia in the Mosul decision. From
then on, British petroleum politics aligned with
Arab nationalism to squash the one best chance
Kurds ever had to achieve independence in the new
nationalist era. Over thirty million Kurds remain
stateless to date as a result of that abortion. And
when we read or hear about them today, they're more
often than not simply referred to as rebels,
separatists, and so forth. Frustrated in seeing
others achieve independence, and often subjugated
(or worse) by Turks, Arabs, and Iranians now ruling
most of the lands they lived in for millennia,
revolt they did
To deal with the fear of further geographical
loss, the Turks decided that only one culture would
fit all in the land. So, for example, Kurds were
henceforth recreated as "Mountain Turks"--with even
their language outlawed. Ismet Cherif Vanly's book,
The Syrian Mein Kampf Against The Kurds
(Amsterdam 1968), showed Arabs following the same
game plan. An Arab Saddam would do likewise in
Iraq, and so forth, with similar nightmares to be
found in multi-ethnic Iran as well.
Into this state of subjugation, the Kurdish PKK
was born in Turkey.
Unlike Israel (where Arabic was made the second
official language of the State, where Arabs who
side with Hamas, Fatah, and others dedicated to
Israel's destruction serve in Parliament, and
so forth), Kurds were simply expected to deny their
own identity for the sake of Turkish nationalism.
Keep in mind that twenty-one Arab states already
surround Israel--before the creation of their
proposed 22nd.
So now we come to the current mess
A multi-ethnic Iraq which was artificially put
together for largely others' interests the same way
another "nation " --Yugoslavia--was upon the
breakup of empires in the early 20th century, will
probably not survive an American
withdrawal
and this might not necessarily be a
bad development. I've written about this often
elsewhere, so won't expand upon this now.
Compared to the tragic situation in the Arab
areas, Iraqi Kurdistan--with its imperfections--is
still a shining light. Arabs and others have fled
to there to escape the barbarism.
Amid the mountain strongholds of the Kurdish
north, PKK Kurdish fighters from Turkey have taken
refuge. In so doing, however, they may very well
set back the progress Kurds have finally made
towards full autonomy--and perhaps, later on, even
independence.
Having long felt cheated by the 1925 Mosul
decision, Turkey is very likely considering a move
on the oil of Iraqi Kurdistan if conditions permit.
A breakup of Iraq might be the ticket later
on
as Iran also eyes the Iraqi Shi'a south
(once part of an earlier Iranian empire).
For now, with American forces still engaged, the
Turks' limited goal will remain focused as it has
been
keep what's happening among Iraqi Kurds
from spreading northwest.
A Turkey which lectures Israel about the need to
create a second state for Arabs (Jordan
being the first) within the original 1920 borders
of that other British Mandate, Palestine,
threatens war if some thirty million
stateless Kurds finally get a slice of
justice in the nationalist age
and in
Iraq--not Turkey!
For their part, Kurds in Turkey must understand
that they will never achieve what the PKK
supposedly is fighting for there. As stated above,
Turks have drawn their lines.
Having said this, if Turkey wants to be seen as
something better than the racist despotisms which
are also in the region--like those which gas Kurds,
engage in genocide in the Sudan, and so forth--then
it will have to vastly improve the lives of its
Kurdish citizens. Again, think about the comparison
with an Israel which, in many ways, is far more
endangered by its potential fifth column
than Turkey is.
Currently, as seen above, Condi and the Foggy
Folks expect the KRG and Baghdad to produce what
all the support the American State Department has
given towards the creation of Arab state # 22 has
yet to.
While it is in the KRG's own interest to bring
an end to PKK attacks from Iraqi Kurdistan, the
hypocrisy is still sickening.
The State Department expects an Israel about
one-fortieth the size of Turkey to give away
the store at the arm-twisting party it's planning
at the upcoming summit, knowing full well that with
all of the support it has given to Abbas and his
fellow latter day Arafatians, the leopards haven't
changed their spots. They're just smirking as they
see their well-known destruction-in-stages
plans for Israel unfold nicely due to Washington.
Arafat, Abbas, and all of their comrades never
lifted a finger--with tens of thousands of armed
military and police at their disposal--to stop the
constant barbarism against Jews in restaurants,
buses, teen nightclubs, pizzerias, shopping malls,
homes, and so forth. In fact, they funded it and
were often a part of it.
Yet, with American interests now directly at
stake in Iraq, that same State Department expects
Iraqi Kurds to simply ignore the very real
grievances of their people in Turkey when dealing
with the PKK.
While it's true that this situation cannot
continue as it is and PKK attacks from Iraq must
stop, I must also end this with a
question
Why is it that the State Department feels free
to bully Israel into suicidal concessions regarding
creating Arab State # 22, but mere talk of
improving the plight of subjugated "Mountain Turks"
or creating State # 1 for Kurds is still
unspeakable?
Honigman
Archive
Gerald
A. Honigman is a Florida educator who has done
extensive doctoral studies in Middle Eastern
Affairs. He has created and conducted counter-Arab
propaganda programs for college youth, has lectured
on numerous campuses and other platforms, and has
publicly debated many Arab spokesmen. His articles
and op-eds have been published in dozens of
newspapers, magazines, academic journals and
websites all around the world. Visit his website at
http://geraldahonigman.com/.
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