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September
1, 2007
The
Moral Hazard of Central Banking
by Gary North, Ph.D.
Let
me present a syllogism. 1. Theft is immoral. 2.
Inflation is theft. 3. Fractional reserve banking
is inflationary. 4. Central banking is
government-guaranteed fractional reserve banking.
5. Immorality leads to judgment.
Therefore, we should expect. . . ?
Economists, other than Murray Rothbard's
disciples, never associate the concept of theft
with monetary inflation. They speak of theft in
terms of reduced efficiency and increased
transactions costs, not morality.
When it comes to avoiding morality, they are
worse than lawyers. A lawyer might appeal to
morality if he had a really weak case. This appeal
might persuade a jury. An economist would rather
lose the argument than appeal to morality. He
regards the shame of invoking morality as
personally more inefficient than winning the
argument by an appeal to morality. Once you appeal
to morality, academic economic theory collapses.
Economics was the first science to be
self-consciously designed to avoid moral
questions.
So, when stock market bulls attack Federal
Reserve monetary policy, they do not invoke
morality. They invoke the falling return on
investment. Having invested their money or other
people's money on the assumption that the central
bank's monetary policy will always hold down
"interest rates" -- we are never told which ones --
they loudly decry as unnecessary the widespread and
accelerating losses that are being sustained
because the central bank has slowed down the rate
of monetary inflation. Why unnecessary? Because the
central bank can create liquidity by buying
Treasury bills.
This will lower the interest rate on T-bills.
But how does this lower all interest rates? How
does it lower bond rates and mortgage rates, which
always have an inflation-defense premium in them?
It doesn't. It raises them.
The critics say that this forced reduction of
the FedFunds rate is only temporary. They are not
calling for sustained inflation. Oh, no. They just
want a little loosening of monetary restraint, just
this once. Just get overnight money rates down.
This is what Japan has been doing ever since
1990. It gets overnight money rates down. It keeps
it down, year after year. So, international traders
grew bold. They borrowed yen at less than 1% to buy
other currencies. Then they used these to invest in
bonds at 4% or more. It's like money in the
bank.
Yes, it is. But what happens if there is ever a
bank run?
A MODERN BANK RUN
The "run" has begun. The Japanese yen is now
rising against foreign currencies. Those who
borrowed short and lent long are facing a serious
crisis: their debt is in yen, and it is rising
fast. So, they sell longer-term debt and buy yen
with the money. This forces up long-term rates.
Which raises mortgage rates.
Which undermines the housing bubble.
Which undermines consumer confidence.
Which leads to more saving and less spending on
consumer goods.
Which produces a recession.
In anticipation of the recession, the stock
market falls. This
produces a televised tantrum by Jim "Mad Money"
Cramer.
Which catches the FED's attention.
Which then lowers a symbolic interest rate
(discount window).
Which creates brief euphoria among fund
managers.
Which leads Cramer to tell people to buy, buy,
buy.
Which is called a bull trap.
The FED must now make a decision: inflate slowly
(2% a year) or inflate faster (5% a year). I don't
think the FED would consider 10%. Economists
believe in change at the margin. So, 4% or 5% will
probably do it.
Do what?
Restore confidence in the gigantic confidence
game that all modern finance is based on. This game
rests on this slogan: "Too big to fail." It is more
than a slogan. It is a mantra, a confession of
faith. It is the shema Mammon.
The FED will act to increase liquidity
sufficiently to prevent disaster in the stock
market. This will calm the markets. This will once
again persuade investors that there is a safety net
for them. Ironically, this perception is designated
a "moral hazard." This is the only time the word
"moral" is seriously used in modern finance. A
moral hazard -- correctly named -- occurs when
central banks intervene to save specific
industries, i.e., too-big-to-fail industries.
MORAL HAZARD
Greenspan used the phrase. His words are worth
considering. In testimony before the House Banking
Committee (Oct. 1, 1998), in the wake of the
near-meltdown of the financial futures market the
previous August as a result of the Long-Term
Capital (Ha!) Management, Ltd. collapse, he
said:
- Of course, any time that there is public
involvement that softens the blow of
private-sector losses -- even as obliquely as in
this episode -- the issue of moral hazard
arises. Any action by the government that
prevents some of the negative consequences to
the private sector of the mistakes it makes
raises the threshold of risks market
participants will presumably subsequently choose
to take. Over time, economic efficiency will be
impaired as some uneconomic investments are
undertaken under the implicit assumption that
possible losses may be borne by the
government.
That
sounded good. It sounded almost as if he had
reverted to his free market youth as a follower of
Ayn Rand. But he was in front of Congress to
justify the Federal Reserve Bank of New York's
intervention, calling the lending banks together
over the weekend and recommending that they inject
another $3 billion into LTCM, Ltd. So,
he added this:
- But is much moral hazard created by aborting
fire sales? To be sure, investors wiped out in a
fire sale will clearly be less risk prone than
if their mistakes were unwound in a more orderly
fashion. But is the broader market well served
if the resulting fear and other irrational
judgments govern the degree of risk participants
are subsequently willing to incur? Risk taking
is a necessary condition for wealth creation.
The optimum degree of risk aversion should be
governed by rational judgments about the market
place, not the fear flowing from fire
sales.
What is a fire sale? The FED apparently has a
new operational definition: "Anything that leads
Jim Cramer to throw a tantrum on CNBC."
Central banking has been a moral hazard ever
since Parliament gave a monopoly to the privately
owned Bank of England in 1694. Central banking
exists primarily to protect large fractional
reserve commercial banks from bank runs, and
therefore to preserve the fractional reserve
banking system nationally. Of all modern
institutions, none has been more committed to
subsidizing moral hazards than central banking.
Along the way, central banks preserve stock
markets from sell-offs that might produce runs on
commercial banks, or what is the same today,
cascading cross-defaults when overextended banks
cannot pay off each other at the end of the
business day, which today is international.
INDIVIDUALS ARE TRAPPED BY THE
SYSTEM
Jesus told His disciples to be in the world, not
of the world. This has been the message of most
major religious reformers throughout history. It is
good advice.
We live in a world that we have inherited. It is
not mainly of our making. We are forced to make
choices in a world that has structured and limited
the choices we make. This is always true.
Consider the FED's choices regarding monetary
policy. There is this inescapable choice: stable
money leading to a recession and maybe a
depression, given the prevailing level of debt, vs.
monetary inflation, which keeps the debt structure
alive and encourages additional debt to "pay off in
cheap money." This policy subsidizes the market for
new moral hazards. "When the price falls, more is
demanded."
At the top of the visible hierarchy of control,
politicians and central bankers say they want to
avoid making this choice between stable money and
inflation, but one or the other policy cannot be
avoided in the long run. This makes short-run
decision-makers out of politicians and central
bankers.
A few of us prefer this choice: a money system
that is not tied to credit and debt in any way.
That would mean a monetary system tied to gold and
silver, as it was in 1914. This is not available as
a choice, nor is it likely to be, short of a
complete financial collapse, which unfortunately
would kill most of my readers -- a breakdown in the
division of labor.
So, we must make second-best or third-best
choices with our money because generations of
politicians made very bad choices.
As investors and decision-makers, most people
tend to go with the flow. The flow is established
by central bank policy: in the United States, in
Japan, in Europe, and in China. Going with the flow
is bad when you are floating toward Niagara
Falls.
We are trapped in an international credit system
which has relied on monetary inflation to pump up
the capital markets. This has led to a huge
expansion of debt. To keep this debt from imploding
in a wave of defaults -- "cascading cross
defaults," Greenspan called this -- central banks
inflate even more.
This is a vicious circle. Ever since 1914 --
World War I and the first year of the Federal
Reserve System -- the West has been unable to
escape from this circle. As a result, the dollar
buys 5% of what it bought in 1914. (See the
Inflation Calculator at www.bls.gov: the Bureau of
Labor Statistics.)
None of this is new. Leaders always face
choices. These choices will affect those under
their authority. Sometimes the effects are
catastrophic.
I believe we are trapped in a vicious monetary
circle. We cannot get out at anything like zero
price.
Americans have been in this sort of situation
before. As background, let us consider a similar
vicious circle. Let us go back 230 years to the
Constitutional Convention of 1787.
GEORGE MASON'S DILEMMA
I am in the process of editing and revising an
amazing manuscript on conspiracies in American
history. It was written as a series of newsletters
over 40 years ago. The author is dead, as far as I
know. I am not sure. Some of the chapters hold up
well. No one has seen these articles in over 40
years, and very few saw them then. A decade ago, I
paid to have them scanned in. I have added
footnotes where I can. I have been editing the
final copy this week.
In one of the newsletters, the author cited a
statement by George Mason. Mason is rightly called
the father of the Bill of Rights. He was a
participant at the Constitutional Convention in
1787. Here
is the passage cited:
- As nations can not be rewarded or punished
in the next world they must be in this. By an
inevitable chain of causes & effects
providence punishes national sins, by national
calamities.
I wanted to cite the source in a footnote.
Google lets us locate sources more easily than ever
before in man's history. I tracked it down late in
the evening on August 22. Mason made this statement
on August 22, 1787 -- 220 years to the day prior to
my search.
What caught my attention was its context. Here
is the full citation.
- Slavery discourages arts & manufactures.
The poor despise labor when performed by slaves.
They prevent the immigration of Whites, who
really enrich & strengthen a Country. They
produce the most pernicious effect on manners.
Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant.
They bring the judgment of heaven on a Country.
As nations can not be rewarded or punished in
the next world they must be in this. By an
inevitable chain of causes & effects
providence punishes national sins, by national
calamities.
Mason was arguably the most eloquent political
opponent of American chattel slavery in his
generation. Yet he owned 36 slaves. He did not set
them free in his will, unlike George Washington.
Neither did Jefferson, who also opposed
slavery.
More than anyone among the framers of the
Constitution, Mason saw what was coming: a great
national division over slavery. He recognized a
looming confrontation between moral principle and
property rights. At the Virginia ratifying
convention in 1788, he made an assessment of the
situation. This was in reference to the
Constitution's 20-year extension of the importation
of slaves from Africa: the international slave
trade. This was abolished by Great Britain in 1807,
in the final year of legality of slave imports into
the United States. Mason offered a two-part
critique. The
parts were in complete opposition to each other:
one moral and the other legal. First, the moral
and political:
- The augmentation of slaves weakens the
states; and such a trade is diabolical in
itself, and disgraceful to mankind. Yet by this
constitution it is continued for twenty years.
As much as I value an union of all the states, I
would not admit the southern states into the
union, unless they agreed to the discontinuance
of this disgraceful trade, because it would
bring weakness and not strength to the
union.
Second, the legal and economic:
- And though this infamous traffic be
continued, we have no security for the property
of that kind which we have already. There is no
clause in this constitution to secure it; for
they may lay such a tax as will amount to
manumission. And should the government be
amended, still this detestable kind of commerce
cannot be discontinued till after the expiration
of twenty years. I have ever looked upon
[slavery] as a most disgraceful thing to
America. I cannot express my detestation of it.
Yet they have not secured us the property of the
slaves we have already. So that "they have done
what they ought not to have done, [allowed
importation of slaves for at least 20 years]
and have left undone what they ought to have
done." [protected slaves as
property]
Slavery was not the cause of the Civil War.
Southern secession was. The South seceded because
of two men: John Brown, whose murderous attempt to
launch a slave revolt in 1859 sent waves of fear
throughout the South, and Abraham Lincoln, whose
party was pledged to restrict the extension of
slavery into the territories. This policy would
increase the political power of abolitionism in the
Senate. Slavery could then be eliminated by law,
exactly as Mason had warned in 1788. The fact that
America's geography precluded the extension of
slavery as a social system after 1850 did not stop
the secessionists in 1860-61. The political
deadlock that had prevailed until 1849's 30 to 30
tie in the Senate was broken with the admission of
California as a free state in 1850: the Compromise
of 1850. All new states would probably be free
states. That should have been clear in 1850 to
anyone who had seen the soil west of Dallas: no
water. That meant no cotton, no rice, and no
tobacco. It meant cattle ranching. It meant slaves
on horseback. It meant few slaves except household
servants -- consumer goods, not commercial
goods.
The South could have seceded in August, 1850,
and gotten away with it. Millard Fillmore was not
the late Zachary Taylor, who in February had told
one group of Southern Senators threatening to
secede that he would personally lead the Army into
the South and hang every secessionist, just as he
had hanged deserters and spies in the
Mexican-American War in 1847. Taylor died in July.
Fillmore became President. But the South's
politicians agreed to the Compromise of 1850 in
September, and that decision sealed the region's
fate, politically and militarily, a decade later.
Lincoln was the symbol. The reality was the
soil.
Yet the leading politicians of the South did not
speak of Lincoln as a symbol or the West as a
desert. They proclaimed a legal argument: the right
to a specific form of property. Politicians tend to
be former lawyers. When the facts of the case are
against them, they argue the law. As for morality,
both sides do their best to ignore it.
The results of the war were horrifying: the
deaths of 620,000 Americans in 10,400 battles. This
was paid for in the North by an expansion of
national debt from almost nothing in 1860 to over
two billion dollars in 1865. It was paid for in the
South by mass inflation and the destruction of the
South's economy. The South did not begin to match
the North's economy for a century.
"By an inevitable chain of causes & effects
providence punishes national sins, by national
calamities."
Mason did not sell his slaves. His example, not
his words, was imitated by his social peers in the
South. The calamity came in 1861&endash;65.
CLEAN HANDS, DIRTY MONEY
We cannot opt out of the debt money economy. To
use a checking account, to use a credit card, to
spend a Federal Reserve Note, we subsidize the
system. We preserve the profits of the
government-protected fractional reserve banking
system.
What is our version of selling our slaves in
order to opt out of the system? This encompasses
far more than this short list. But I offer this
list of five.
- Avoid consumer debt. The mantra is Max
Blumert's law: "Buy the best, pay cash, take
delivery."
- Pay off all credit card debt before buying
T-bills or bonds. Here is my law: "Escape from
the trap before setting any of your own."
- Pay a tithe. This is your personal
declaration of dependence on God rather than
dependence on Bernanke.
- Don't take on any debt that is not
collateralized 100% by an asset in your
possession. This applies to mortgages. Your
house should collateralize your mortgage.
- Emergency debt is for emergencies. Regard
both as disasters. Save for emergencies.
If you have other rules along these lines,
send them
to me here.
CONCLUSION
The debt economy makes us all vulnerable to
unforeseen crises: illiquidity, insolvency, low
credibility. All three are institutionally visible
today. They are threatening Cramer's world.
All three are the result of the moral hazard of
central banking. This is why Cramer screamed
against the Federal Reserve System. He was correct:
the FED is responsible. Earlier.
The FED should have done nothing in 1914. It
should have done nothing thereafter. If it had done
nothing as a matter of policy, there would be no
debt crisis facing the U.S. economy. There would be
no advocacy of the creation of yet more moral
hazards in the financial community.
There is now a looming immoral hazard.
Eventually, the FED will imitate the People's Bank
of China in order to re-liquify the financial
system. It will inflate at double-digit rates. The
difference is, Americans do not save 40% of their
income, nor are they rebounding from Marxist
tyranny and incomparable poverty. The division of
labor is being extended by China's monetary
inflation. This extension has produced China's many
bubbles. Our division of labor is already highly
developed. It can increase only slowly at the
margin. American productivity will therefore not
rise fast enough to match the FED's double-digit
inflation, as it has in China, thereby concealing
the true rate of inflation.
Between then and now, Cramer will have lots of
opportunities to scream on national TV.
Gary
North Archive
Dr.
Gary North earned a Ph.D. in history and is one of
America's keenest economic analysts and
commentators. He supports the Austrian school of
economics and is a previous assistant to
libertarian congressman Dr. Ron Paul. Visit his
website at http://garynorth.com.
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